



















































o 




































































































' 




























































































LETTERS ON SLAVERY: 



ADDRESSED TO 



THE CUMBERLAND CONGREGATION, 



VIRGIN! \ 



BY J. D. v PAXTOIV, 

THEIR FORMER PASTOR. 




LEXINGTOX, KY..- 

PUBLISHED BY ABRAHAM T. SKU.LMAN, 

BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER. 

1833. 



fflUteW*, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1833, by 
A. T. Skillman, in the Clerk's office of the District Court of 
the State of Kentucky. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

C. SHERMAN 8C CO., PRINTERS, NO. 19 ST. JAMES STREET. 



PREFACE. 



The writer of the following letters was, in 1S26, so 
unfortunate as to give some offence, on the subject of 
Slavery, to a part of the Cumberland Congregation, 
(Va.) of which he was then Pastor. The whole facts 
of the case appeared to him to justify, if not require, 
that he should give a statement of them to the public. 
With this view the following letters were written soon 
after that event occurred. He yielded, however, to the 
opinion of some friends, that on account of existing 
excitement, some little time should be allowed to pass 
before they were given to the public. 

His object in these letters is, after a brief statement 
of the facts above alluded to, to examine more fully 
than he has seen done the teaching of Scripture re- 
specting Slavery, notice its manifold evils, the dan- 
gers with which it threatens the South, and what re- 
ligion and self-preservation require us to do. 

Danville, Ky. March, 1833. 



CONTENTS. 



LETTER I.— Introductory — Narrative of Facts, &c. 1. 

II. — Ministerial Prudence in Regard to Slaver}', 15. 

III. — Reasons for discussing- the Subject, 26. 

IV. — Origin and Nature of Slavery in the United States, 42. 

V. — Inconsistent with our free Institutions, and the Na- 
tural Rights of Man, 53. 

VI. — Its Inconsistency with the Moral Teaching of 
Scripture, 59. 

VII. — The Servitude tolerated by the Jewish Law not 
Slavery for Life, 72. 

VIII. — Examination of Leviticus xxv. 44 — 46. — The Prac- 
tice of the Patriarchs, &c. 85. 

IX. — Examples of God's Judgments for Slaver}-, 98. 

X. — The bearing of these things in the Old Testament 
on the Teaching of the New respecting Sla- 
very, 114. 

XI. — Various Evils of Slavery, 124. 

XII. — The same Subject continued, 134. 

XIII. — Some Arguments or Excuses considered, 143. 

XIV. — "What must we do with our Slaves — Several Plans. 
155. 



viii CONTENTS. 

LETTER XV The same Subject continued, 170. 

XVI. — Motives to immediate Effort from the Doctrine of 
Divine Recompenses, 182. 

APPENDIX A.— The Article at which Offence was taken, 195. 

B. — Tables of the Five Official Censuses of the 
United States, 205. 

C— Some Facts from Berard « On the Effects of 
Civilization on Longevity," 206. 



TO 



THE CUMBERLAND CONGREGATION. 



LETTER I. 



Christian Brethren, 

The circumstances under which we separated have in- 
duced me to address to you the following letters. The 
subject on which they treat, had a connection with our 
separation. That event led me to examine it more care- 
fully than I had previously done, and there appears a pro- 
priety in addressing to you the result of said examination. 
A part of the matter in letters XI. and XII. and a small 
portion of it, with but little alteration, belonged to an essay, 
the third number of which, perhaps rather incautiously 
written,* gave some offence — and was the immediate cause 
of my leaving you. 

It will to me be a matter of regret, should you consider 
these letters as designed to fix a serious charge on you, or 
raise an odium against you in the public mind. This is 
not my object. It is due to candour to say, that I have 
thought, and still think, that I was not kindly treated. Ad- 
mitting that the piece in the Visitor was incautiously writ- 
ten — that as» a friend since suggested, it had " too much 
truth in it — that I gave at once what was enough for half 
a dozen doses ;" still, as it was, by general admission, all 
truth, it might, I think, in a world so false as this, and at 
a time when truth is so hard to come at in the public prints, 
have passed with much less complaint. 

I am satisfied that much the greater part of the congre- 
gation soon became sensible, that improper means were 
used by a few, to get up the excitement, and that it greatly 
exceeded the cause of offence. Of this I had evidence be- 

* See Appendix, A. 

1 



2 LETTERS OK SLAVERY. 

fore I left the neighbourhood, and have since had it con- 
firmed from quarters entitled to credit. This state of things 
would of itself be a sufficient reason with me for cherish- 
ing, even if it had been interrupted, all that kindness of 
feeling and good will towards you, which I ever wish to 
have towards all people, and especially towards those 
among whom I have laboured in the Gospel. I experi- 
enced, however, during the whole affair, much less inter- 
ruption of those feelings than many of you may have sup- 
posed. I was conscious that my purposes were good — 
that I had at heart the real interest of the master as well 
as the slave. Offence, however, was taken. I regretted 
it, and especially the course which those offended chose 
to pursue. I viewed it and endeavoured to bear it as one 
of those trials we are all liable to while labouring to benefit 
our fellow men. 

No good would probably result from dwelling at much 
length on those unpleasant affairs. It may however serve 
to correct some misstatements that have gone abroad, as 
well as explain some things not generally known, and at 
the same time to answer the charge made against me, of 
undue zeal and imprudence, to give a short statement of 
my views and course respecting slavery. 

I know not that I could, in the same compass, better 
express my views of slavery, and the duty of professors of 
religion respecting it, than is done in the following extract 
from the minutes of the General Assembly of the Presby- 
terian Church of 1818, containing its opinion respecting 
slavery : — " The General Assembly of the Presbyterian 
Church, having taken into consideration the subject of sla- 
very, think proper to make known their sentiments upon 
it, to the people under their care. We consider the vol- 
untary enslaving of one part of the human race by another 
as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights 
of human nature — as utterly inconsistent with the law of 
God, which requires us to love our neighbour as ourselves, 
and as totally irreconcilable with the spirit and precepts of 
the Gospel of Christ, which enjoins ■ that all things that 
ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to 
them.' Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system. It 
exhibits rational, accountable and immortal creatures in 



LETTER I. 3 

such circumstances ns scarcely to leave them the power of 
moral action. It exhibits them as dependent on the will 
of others whether they shall receive religious instruction; 
whether they shall know and worship the true God; 
whether they Bhall enjoy the ordinances of the Gospel; 
whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the en- 
dearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, 
neighbours and friend- : whether they shall preserve their 
chastity and purity, or n gard the dictates of justice or 
humanity. 

11 It is manifestly the duty of all Christians, who enjoy 
the light of the present day, when the inconsistency of sla- 
rery, both with the dictates of humanity and religion, has 
been demonstrated, and is generally seen and acknowledg- 
ed, to use their honest, earnest and unwearied endeavours 
to correct the error- of former times, and - -. i lily as 
» this foul blot on our holy religion, and to 
obtain the complete abolition of slavery throughout < 
tendom, and if possible, throughout the world." 

' was a member of the assembly that passed the resolu- 
tions of which the shore is an extract. They p 
unanimously, and were sent down in the printed Minutes 
for the information of the Churches. This took place 
several years before you called me to be your pastor. I 
I my views, nor that 1 ■ «ed to act 

in accordance with them. 

I propose in the present letter-, to prove what is asserted 
in the above extract — the moral evil of Blavery, and the 
duty of < Christians to lei no selfish interest prolong tl 
and injustice, but in the fear of God to do all they can in 
consistency with duty, to fit for and restore to in i 
. 

In accordance with the above views, I was led to pur- 
sue a course in several respects, with which I found some 
of you were not satisfied. It led me to favour the Colo- 
nization Society — to take up collections lor that object, and 
to ai;< nipt founding an Auxiliary Society among you. 

1 thought the plan of colonizing in Africa, well calcu- 
lated to benefit that country, by introducing Christianity 
and civilization there; to benefit those coloured people 
who might L r o out, by placing them in a situation where 



4 LETTERS ON* SLAVERY. 

they would be free indeed; and especially, that it would 
benefit our beloved country, by the effect its success would 
have on the public mind and the whole system of slavery 
among us. That it would result in removing the whole 
coloured population from among us, I did not much expect, 
nor do I yet; but that it would tell, more or less, on the 
public feeling I did not doubt. I considered it as the 
result of a progress of public feeling, and as calculated to 
call forth, still more, that feeling, and give it a safe and 
profitable direction. Had not the colonizing scheme been 
projected, some other, perhaps less safe, would. The spi- 
rit of the age made this certain. The public feeling long 
gathering, but pent up, must have poured itself into some 
channel, that promised to open a passage through which 
the oppressed might go out free. 

These views led me to refer a little to the subject, a few 
times, in preaching. There were, however, usually, slaves 
in our worshiping assemblies, and that, together with a 
wish to avoid giving offence, induced me to touch very 
seldom on that subject. 

By marriage, one or two families of slaves came into my 
possession. Mrs. P.'s views on the subject of slavery, 
I found to agree substantially with my own. We both 
felt it our duty to free said slaves, as soon as it could be 
done to their apparent advantage. We watched the pro- 
gress of the colony at Liberia for several years ; and in the 
meantime used means to prepare our slaves for freedom. 
As soon as we were satisfied that they had belter prospects 
there of doing well for themselves, than they could have 
with us, we encouraged them to go ; gave them such an 
outfit as our means afforded, and sent them to the colony. 

Our reasons for this course may be summed up in few 
words. We believed slavery morally wrong, and felt in 
duty bound not to continue it after a way was open to get 
clear of it; and taking all things into view, we thought 
their prospects for doing well, permanently, were better at 
Liberia than in this country, either in the free or the slave- 
holding States. 

Their personal interest, however, although important, 
was not the only thing I felt bound to regard. What 
effect would my continuing to be a slaveholder, and rais- 



LETTER I. O 

inn my family in those habits, have on the general question 
of slavery ! Actions speak louder than words. My words 
mning slavery would have passed unheeded ; my 
conduct would have been pointed to - :tioning it. 
1 rson of any observation knows thai words are 

consi and when weighed against a 

man's actions, are 1 i ltIi t as vanity. Where there is any 
nd with most, there is a little ; the prac- 
tice of pro! religion, and especially ofminisfc 
the >_: is with many, a very common standard of 
right and wrong. Persons who seldom look into the 
Bible to si t the morality of any kind of 
conduct, at i know how p of religion act 
pecially what the preacher d >< -. Pro- 
fessors of religion usually allow themselves s little more 
Liberty than their preacher takes, and nonprofessors, allow 
theme re than is taken by cither 
; .1 . - r I entered the 
ministry, happening to be in ■ place where some curious 
feat- of horsemanship were exhibited, walk hun- 
dred van'-, and p tid p< rhaps a ninepence for the privilege 
them. I thought few, if an) body there, knew 
me. I:i s Few hours aAerw rds, I fell in company with 
some | i, who let ra know thai they had 
Iding that they feared they were 
doing wrong in going to such a place, until they saw me 
Dome in, but fell no scruples after* vtook it lor 
granted, that it" it wen- wrong, I would not have attended. 
The rerj facl that my attending removed their doubts, in- 
creased mine, as to the propriety of L r <»in<: to such p 
I never did and never will attend again; without Baying it 
uredly u rong to attend, it is enough for me that su< h 
amusements are not things to which I oughl to reconcile 
the consciences of others, by my i 
The continued practice of slavery 1 considered of more 

than doubtful character. I considered it positively wrong; 

and whatever others might do, and persevere in doing, I 
felt that 1 owed it to Goof, to the purity of the gospel, to 
the cause of truth and equity, and to my own consistency 

and peace of mind, not by word or example to justify the 
unnecessary continuance of such hard dealings of man to 

r 



6 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

man. I had not the vanity to expect that any very great 
effect would follow from liberating my slaves. I knew 
that almost all the influence in your part of the country, 
was, as far as I could judge, on the side of slavery. I knew, 
however, that all great things have had small beginnings. 
Elijah's cloud was at first only as " big as a man's hand," 
but in due time it covered all the heavens, and blest the 
earth with its rain. And should no good follow from what 
I did, still what little influence I might have, would be for 
right and duty, and not against it. I did hope, indeed, that 
however few might at present follow my example, it would 
lead some to think more seriously on the subject of 
slavery ; and that ultimately the good cause would be pro- 
moted by it. And however differently some things have 
fallen out from what I then anticipated, I still hope that it 
will finally appear that at least as much good will have re- 
sulted as will balance the evil ; and more than will result 
from the course of those, who, while they own the evil of 
slavery, still give it the sanction of their example. 

If liberating those slaves was not, as many have thought, 
the main offence I gave, it led very directly to my writing 
the piece in the Visitor, which was the immediate cause 
of our separation. That persons would be led to think on 
the subject of slavery as a religious matter, was my hope ; 
but that as much pains would be taken to justify it from 
Scripture, I did not expect — much less did I expect that 
so much would be said to place my conduct in the wrong 
— and represent what I did as unbecoming my character 
as a preacher, and my relation to the congregation as a 
pastor. 

While hearing so much said in favour of slavery, and 
the Scriptures so often appealed to as justifying it, it was 
natural for me to wish to give my views on the subject. 
When so much was said as went to charge me with weak- 
ness in thinking slavery wrong, and with injustice to others 
in setting my slaves free, I felt that I owed it to myself, 
to give my reasons for my belief — that I owed it to the 
cause of freedom to state her claims — and especially that I 
owed it to the Scriptures to rescue them from those per- 
versions of meaning and application, which made them 
justify what their whole spirit went most strongly to con-, 
demn. 



LETTER I. 7 

In this state of things I wrote the Essay,* at the third 
number of which offence was taken. As to the spirit of 
that number, I am free to own, as I did from the time my 
attention was particularly called to it, that I think it not 
altogether happy; a milder spirit might have beenbetter. To 
those who have been educated to think slavery not wrong, 
it may, and probably did, seem harsh; yet to persons who 
view slavery as I do, and as a large number in our coun- 
try do, as a tiling altogether wrong, the piece appeared 
probably not faulty on that score. At all events those who 
have made so free in censuring me, and charge me with 
weakness and injustice to others in liberating my slaves, 
might have allowed me to say something in self-defence. 
It ought to be recollected that it is slavery in the abstract 
that is there assailed, although a practical aspect is given 
to the argument by the illustration used to expose its 
evil. Tew among the more intelligent in our community 
justify slavery in the abstract; there are. however, a good 
many of the less knowing who do. It was my fortune to 
meet with some of this sort. In conversations on the sub- 
ject a great deal was Baid that went to place the whole 
wrong of slavery, in the treatment of slaves, to maintain 
that slavery itself was not wrong, provided the slave was 
not hardly dealt by while held in that condition. (Jive 
them plenty to eat and drink and wear, and make them do 
i reasonable portion of work, and there is no harm in it, 
pras in substance often said. This was in my opinion not 
Dnly an error, but one of vital importance, one that went 
to the core of the subject: and against it, that number of 
the Essay that gave offence, was chiefly aimed; and while 
assailing what seemed to be the stronghold of the system, 
[ thought it justifiable to give point and force to my attack; 
demolish, if I could, its defences, and prove that it was 
Untenable. The timing of the piece was perhaps not the 
most fortunate ; although near six months intervened be- 
tween freeing said slaves and its publication, during which 
much had been said about slavery, and in justification of 
it; it would, there is reason to believe, have been better 
to have let a few more months pass, before I did any thing 

* Appendix A. 



8 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

else, which might serve as " an occasion to those who de- 
sired an occasion" to find fault. 

Considerable offence, however, was taken at the piece, 
and a good deal done by a few to excite and spread the 
dissatisfaction. I presently heard of what was going on, 
and in a short time received information from the Session 
that offence was taken at said piece, and at myself as the 
supposed author, with a request to know whether I was 
the author, and to have a conference with me respecting 
it. I met them as requested, informed them that I was 
the author, that those were my sentiments before invited 
to be your pastor, that I had never concealed my opi- 
nions ; but that in publishing them in said piece I had no 
intention of giving offence, nor did I think that any offence 
need have been taken. That so far as the spirit and man- 
ner of the piece was faulty, I regretted it ; but that I could 
not change my opinions nor give up my right of explain- 
ing and advocating them, to please any body of men. But 
while I maintained my right to support my own opinions, 
I loved peace, and to put an end to the whole matter, I 
would resign the charge of the congregation, and seek a 
people who thought as I did ; and leave you to obtain a 
pastor whose opinions might agree with your own. 

It remains before closing this letter to make a few re- 
marks on the charge made against me, of undue zeal and 
imprudence, on the subject of slavery. 

Those of you who best know me, and many of you 
have known me for sixteen or eighteen years, do I am 
satisfied give me credit for meaning well in what I did. 
You possibly, however, may think that I was over-zeal- 
ous and imprudent on the subject. Some pains have been 
taken to send abroad this opinion. Several persons, and 
some of my brethren in the ministry, have in letters to me, 
and about me, more than intimated it. 

It is possible there may be some truth in it. At least I 
do not feel clear in saying that there is not. Although it 
may be more uncommon, yet I know not that there is any 
thing less reputable in having too much zeal in a good 
cause than in having too little ; and I have seen enough 
of the w T orld to know that very many judge of the pru- 
dence or imprudence of persons, chiefly by their success. 



LETTER 



9 



The successful pass for prudent, while the unsuccessful 
pass for imprudent. I never advanced a claim to infalli- 
bility, and have no hesitation in admitting that I may have 
erred. The man who has lived forty years — spent four 
or five of them as a teacher in a college, with a superin- 
tendence of the generous, talented, but mischievous and 
unruly Virginian youth — fifteen years in the ministry, 
eleven of them as pastor of congregations, and four as a 
missionary, all in the slave-holding states, and at last 
gives offence to a part of one congregation by freeing his 
own slaves, and trying to lead others to aid in measures 
for improving the condition of thai oppressed people; and 
on that ground only is charged with undue zeal and im- 
prudence, — ought, perhaps, to let it pass, and thank God 
that he lias got along so well. He has, perhaps, come as 
near to those of whom "all men speak will," as it is safe 
to get: fur a wo hangs over them, however much our 
love of human praise may make us wish to be of their 
number. 

It SOmi times, however, happens that we cannot blame 
ourselves lor things for which we are blamed by others; 
while on the other hand, we may feel that we deserve 
blame where others approve. It' it were meant >imply to 

charge me with not in all things pursuing the best course, 

not using the best mean-, not timing my words and ac- 
tion.- and manner in every instance for the best, it may 
possibly he (me : y< a, I doubt not that it is true. There 
is often a choice of means and times and manner; and 
until a trial be made, it may he very doubtful which will 
succeed the best. .Many persons are so fearful of not doing 
things in the best manner, that they wholly omit doing 
them; although they are things that plainly ought to be 
done. So fearful are they that they may not so do them 
as to obtain the approbation of their fellow men, that they 
prefer offending God by not even trying to do his will as 
well as they can. " 1 have not 50 learned Christ." In 
things that plainly ought to be done and done zealously, I 
would, while trying to do them as well as I can, prefer the 
Charge of over-zeal and imprudence from those who are 
doing nothing, than to share with them their character for 
prudence in doing nothing at all. 



10 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

I am, however, tree to admit that with my present in- 
formation, I should not in every particular pursue the same 
course. I ~niL r along a way that had Dot 

much travelled. I wsa feeling it out for myself ; and it is 
not altogether fair, much ' . for those w ho - I 

at a distance, looked coldly on, but gave no warnii 
raise the cry of over-zeal and imprudence at - they 

discover a difficulty has been met with: while, perhaps, 
they themselves were instrumental in placing it before me. 
1 hcL r lc: • who charge me with over-z< al, 

&c, whether tl illy satisfied that they theme 

are zealous enough! II - much zeal to 

better the condition of - law of love, as the 

command of God, requi they fully satisfied thai 

their charge of undue zeal does not. in part, arise from a 
wish to justify themselves in doing nothing .' from a oon« 
viction thai they must either charge me with havii 
much zeal, or admit that they themseli too little f 

Are they sure that in charging me with imprudence in 
giving some offence, they are not in part influenced by a 
to justify th< in their prudence in avoiding 

offence by doing nothinp ' [f I had continued to pi 
slavery, if I had m for it, 

or "talked about if. and about i/ f " bo that Dr. Syntax 
himself could not tell whether I talked for it or against it; 
I should probably not only have given no offence, but re- 
tained my character for prudence, with those prudent 
brethren. 

There an' some facts which in all fairness ought to be 
taken into the account by these who set in judgment On 
my conduct, before they bring in the charge of over-zeal 
and imprudence. 

While I considered it a positive duty not to justify sla- 
very ; while I thought it right to let it be known distinctly 
that I considered it wrong, morally wrong : 1 always con- 
sidered it a difficult subject, and one that required 
care and prudence; and I tried thus to treat it. It will 
probably be said, that I succeeded badly. vYd 

are not always accountable for our success. We are to 
" minister according to the ability that God giveth." 
11 Paul may plant and Apollos water, but God giveth the 



11 

i 'I • 

to in-: i prudence 

When 1 Colonization S 

nurn- 

. 
t I 

j' .ml findi 

I • i!i it with 

I . I I 

; 

. ! 
| 

\ 
With I I 

church for the < .11 il :'. 

I 
I I 

I 
I 
I 

1 
bctu' • i it not 

I think ll 
sonir plan for imp , and brin 

I . the mail I 

. inilucnti.il laymen, 
ii thing. I 1» t them 

know that 1 

I i ■ 

I lid take t:. 

*ia the matter. 



n a number 
i from year year, 

.» winch Ui' y pa) the 



12 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

And with respect to liberating my slaves ; while as a 
matter of duty, I should most likely at all events have done 
it ; still the time and the manner and even the effect it 
would have on the slave question, were not unthought of. 
I did not, it is true, consult many, but I did consult some. 
I consulted a gentleman of great worth, who holds a large 
slave property, has deservedly a great influence among 
you, and from his public character and extensive acquaint- 
ance, had the best opportunity of knowing the public feel- 
ing, as to the effect emancipating slaves and sending them 
to the Colony, would have on the general cause. He gave 
it as his opinion that it would have a good effect. I in- 
quired whether, in his opinion, it would give offence ? He 
said no, assuredly not, in his opinion, and stated that he 
had been looking among his own slaves, to see if there 
were not some of a suitable character to send out. I did 
not, it is true, tell him my reasons for making the inquiry. 
The inquiry, however, was made with especial reference 
to my own case ; and his opinion had an influence in re- 
moving an apprehension that I might offend some by liber- 
ating my slaves and sending them to Liberia; and the poor 
unfortunate piece in the Visitor, was, to little purpose, as it 
may seem, the subject of prudential consideration. After 
concluding that I ought, in way of answer to many things 
that had been said, given my views of slavery, I was in 
some doubt as to the best mode of doing it. It would have 
been more agreeable to me, and suited my immediate ob- 
ject better, to have done it from the pulpit. It was a re- 
ligious, and not a political question, that I meant to discuss ; 
and of course it belonged to the province of the pulpit. 
There were, however, usually a few slaves in our worship- 
ing assemblies, and I thought such discussions not prudent » 
before them. I had no wish that they should know any- 
thing about it. It was the duty of the master that I meant 
to discuss, and not that of the slave. It occurred to me 
that a few numbers in the Family Visitor, a religious pa- 
per, taken chiefly in religious families, would be the least 
exceptionable mode I could adopt. Few coloured persons 
can read, none took that paper, and perhaps few ever read 
it. It did not occur to me as possible that any great of- 
fence could be given by arguing the case freely and even 






LETTER I. 13 



strongly in its pages. The appeal was made to professors 
of religion— to the masters and mistresses of slaves. I did 
not, it is true, gravely tell them that said piece was not to 
be read to their slaves. I took it for granted that they 
would have common sense enough to know that. 

The first and second numbers gave, I believe, no offence. 
Within a few days after the publication of the third, I re- 
ceived a note from the editor stating that he had been ad- 
vised not to publish any more pieces on that subject, as 
possibly they might give offence. I wrote to him to dis- 
continue them, as I had no wish to do that. 

A few individuals in various quarters may not have liked 
the piece. I did not expect all to like it. Little notice, 
however, was taken of it, except among you, and in a few 
neighbouring places after hearing from you. 

I am aware that some friends of the Colonization So- 
ciety have represented me as injuring that cause by what 
I did. 

The piece about which the complaint was made, does 
not contain one word about the Colonization Society, its 
objects or plans. I did not write it as a friend of coloni- 
zing, but as an enemy of slavery. The argument rests on 
other grounds, and desires no aid from colonizing plans. 

If that Society was injured by prejudices resulting from 
their having given a passage to my slaves to the Colony, 
Jt was an unlooked for evil. When I asked a passage for 
them, I no more apprehended an evil to the Society" than 
the Society did in granting it. I believe, however, that 
the real interest of the Society has not been injured, but 
promoted. 

There was evidently in the public mind at that time, and 
especially in the non-slaveholding states, a diversity of 
opinion and feeling respecting the objects and bearing of 
the Colonization Society. Some considered it as a scheme 
of slaveholders to get clear of the free coloured people, 
that they might hold with a more enduring grasp the slaves. 
Others looked at the indirect bearing of the plan, and hoped 
that slaveholders would free their slaves and send them to 
the Colony. There was evidently a hesitancy in the 
minds of many, who are now the fast friends of the insti- 
tution, They were willing to benefit the free, but disliked 

2 



14 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

to do so at the expense of the slaves. I, from the first, 
did believe that its indirect bearing on slavery would be 
good. I thought the state of hesitancy in the public mind, 
especially in the non-slaveholding states, required that a 
practical proof be given of the tendency of the Society — 
a proof that all would understand. I thought it time that 
some slaves were freed to go out under the patronage of 
the Society. I offered mine, and they were acceptd . 

If there were any who wished to remove the free col- 
oured people for the purpose of retaining more firmly the 
slaves, it is possible that they may have been alienated from 
the Society on seeing its tendency. I believe, however, 
that it gained more friends than it lost, and those gained 
are fast friends ; those lost must soon have been lost, for 
this tendency of the Society must soon have appeared. 

The above facts will, I hope, be kept in view when the 
question of imprudence is under discussion. I must de- 
fer to another letter a few remarks on the rule by which 
some measure prudence, as also a few cm the objection 
made against Ministers of the Gospel saying anything 
about slavery. Yours, &c. 



15 



LETTER II. 



Christian Brethren, 

Passing by those that are without, some members of the 
Church, together with several of my brethren in the min- 
istry, appear to consider the circumstance that offence was 
taken, as ij>so facto proof that there has been over-zeal and 
imprudence. Their rule for judging of zeal and prudence 
in this matter, it would seem, is, that no offence must be 
given. If liberating slaves gives offence to any, it must 
not be done— if speaking or writing against slavery gives 
offence, that must be avoided — if an apparent justification, 
of slavery be needful to catch people with guile, it must 
be done. The preacher must not offend the people, or 
they will not hear him, and he will have no opportunity of 
doing them good. Very plausible certainly ! Allow me, 
however, to request you to compare this rule with those 
many passages of scripture, which represent ministers as 
bound to declare the whole truth to their fellow men, 
" whether they will hear, or whether they will forbear" — 
as bound to explain truth and enforce duty — to reprove 
vice and encourage virtue, and leave the event to God. 

Or take the more easy and simple test, that of applying 
this rule to the conduct of the Prophets, Apostles, and our 
Lord himself. Do you not see that with one sweep it will 
charge with imprudence and over-zeal every teacher from 
the days of Moses to the last Apostolic man of God re- 
corded in the New Testament? " Which of the Prophets," 
said our Lord to the Jews, " did not your fathers perse- 
cute ?" And he foretold that the same would continue to 
be the fate of his ministers — " Ye shall be hated of all men 
for my sake — Brother shall betray brother — Wo unto you 
when all men speak well of you, for so did the fathers of 
the false Prophets." Our Lord repeatedly urged truth 
when he knew it would offend, and actually so offended 
multitudes that they went away and attended his ministry 
no more, and in one case, the displeasure and going away 
was so general among his followers, that he was left al- 
most alone, and put the question directly to his disciples, 
who appear to have become restless. " Will ye also go 
away ? 



16 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

Or take the case of the apostle Paul, whom I have heard 
extolled as most consummate for his prudence and skilful 
management of men and things, so as not to give offence. 
Please to turn to the account we have of him in the Acts 
of the Apostles and his own Epistles. You will see at 
once that he was forever getting into difficulties, and might 
positively be tracked almost over the world by the com- 
motions that he raised. His very first preaching produced 
such a ferment at Damascus, that he had to be " let down 
over the wall in a basket" to escape not only the " Jews," 
but the civil officers ; and no sooner had he arrived at Je- 
rusalem, than he gave such offence to the Grecians that 
they " went about to slay him." Now we have him " dis- 
puting with the Jews at Antioch," and " shaking off the 
dust of his feet against them" — again, exciting the multi- 
tude into a rage at Philippi, by breaking up their gains 
from sooth-saying ; directly we have him raising an up- 
roar at Thessalonica, and charged with " turning the world 
upside down," and interfering with the " decrees of Cesar," 
what is now called politics and affairs of state — presently 
we have him hauled by a mob before Gallio at Corinth — 
then raising such a stir at Ephesus as " filled the city with 
confusion," by so preaching against idolatry as to deprive 
the "craftsmen" of their "gains," and render useless 
their stock on hand. 

He excited commotions repeatedly by urging points that 
were considered as interfering with the right of property. 
He was charged again and again with meddling with poli- 
tics, and even moving sedition, by preaching doctrines 
that tended to change the existing state of things. We 
have indeed his own confession that all the churches plant- 
ed by him in Asia, were " turned away from him," and 
from an attachment that made them willing to " pluck out 
their own eyes and give them to him," were become " his 
enemies," so stoutly had he plied them with offensive 
truth. This really, at first view, looks as if Paul had la- 
boured in the Gospel to little purpose ; and yet he is not 
more remarkable for the trouble and confusion and ever- 
lasting contention of his ministry, than the conclusion he 
draws respecting the good growing out of them. After he 
had "five times received forty stripes save one" — "thrice 



LETTER II. 17 

been beaten with rods" — " once been stoned," with a 
thousand adventures in his efforts to escape more handling 
of the same sort ; we find him writing to the Churches, 
and congratulating himself, while informing them, that 
what had " happened unto him had fallen out rather to the 
furtherance of the Gospel." 

That Paul was a faithful preacher none can doubt; but 
that he was a prudent one, according to the above stand- 
ard, is very questionable. The most earnest attempt re- 
corded of him, to be prudent in the way of giving no of- 
fence, was at the earnest request of the elders at Jerusalem. 
They knew the fiery temperament of that people ; and 
appear to have adopted to some extent the prudential rule, 
of doing nothing that would give offence. They were de- 
sirous that Paul during his visit among them, should act 
on their principles. They kindly furnished him with a 
plan for getting along smoothly. And Paul really appears 
in good earnest to have resolved that for a few days he 
would he upon his best behaviour and avoid L r iving offence. 
lie had many inducements for so doing. He was at Je- 
rusalem, on a visit to the mother church, in the company 
of the apostles and elders ; reports to his disadvantage had 
gone abroad, and now during the feast, when multitudes 
were collected from all quarters, he had the best opportunity 
of putting down those reports. In addition to all these 
reasons, he had again and again been prophetically warned 
that difficulties were before him, and must, if he ever did, 
have felt the need of prudence and circumspection. Alas, 
poor Paul ! and poor human wisdom, and prudence, and 
management! Seven days had not passed, before he had 
the whole city in an uproar ; and the Roman governor, 
with ;m army had to interfere to save his life. All the 
prudential maxims which his brethren had kindly pressed 
on him were forgotten in a moment. The ardor of his 
character returned, increased eleven fold by the restraint 
of seven days. No sooner is he out of the hands of the 
multitude, who were about to kill him, than he undertakes 
to harangue them ; and driving at once into the very 
topics of all under the sun most offensive to them, soon 
raised a clamour almost sufficient to break the slumbers of 
the dead. 

a • 



18 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

It is well for Paul's character that he was an apostle, 
and lived at the time he did; and especially well that the 
account we have of him is in the New Testament, and has 
the approbation of that sacred volume. Nothing else as 
appears to me, saves him from the charge of being almost 
uniformly imprudent, — if the proper test of prudence be 
that of giving no offence. How much benefit he would 
have received from a course of lectures on prudence by 
some modern professor of the amiable virtue, I know not. 
I fear, however, but little. It seems that the elders at Je- 
rusalem had counselled him to little purpose. He had 
more contention and strife, and raised up more enemies 
than all the rest of the apostles together; and yet perhaps 
in the midst of it, did twice as much good as the whole 
of them. 

You will err greatly, if yon infer from the above re- 
marks, either that I hold in low estimation ministerial pru- 
dence, according to the scriptural import of that term, 01 
that I think much care is not needful to avoid giving unne- 
cessary offence. They are designed to show that many 
have notions of ministerial prudence, which are wholly 
unscriptural, and that prudence according to their notion 
of it is often downright disobedience to God. Ministe- 
rial prudence, according to the scriptural standard, has 
more regard for God than it has for man — it fears hire 
more than it fears man — it is more desirous of pleasing 
him and gaining his approbation than of pleasing and re- 
ceiving the approbation of man. It does desire the benefl 
of man ; it may choose out good and acceptable words; 
it may watch for the most favourable times ; it ought tc 
be wise to wise souls ; but it does not forget that all its 
success is from God; nor that God has in his word laic 
much more stress on a faithful declaration of divine truth 
than on " excellency of speech," or " the enticing words 
of man's wisdom." 

The inspired teachers, a record of whose ministry w< 
have in the scriptures, evidently felt most deeply solicitous 
that their ministry might benefit their fellow men. The-j 
evidently sought to save their hearers, and they showec 
this by teaching and exhorting, and reproving them in al 
faithfulness. In some respects, they accommodated theii 



LETTER II. 19 

teaching to the characters and circumstances of their hear- 
ers, — bearing the infirmities of the weak — leading them 
on from step to step, as they were able to bear it — feeding 
those with milk who were not able to receive strong meat. 
All this I admit; yea, more, I insist that in this we have 
them for examples. It is still undeniably true, that this 
accommodation to the weakness, and especially to the 
prejudices of their hearers, had its limits. It did not pre- 
vent their declaring, at its proper time and place, the whole 
counsel of God — it did not set a seal on their lips, respect- 
ing important branches of moral duty — it did not prevent 
them from plainly teaching, and faithfully admonishing, 
and solemnly warning their hearers, on points so offen- 
sive, as to expose them to bitter persecution. I appeal 
to the record. 

The minister who can declare the whole counsel of 
God — pivc each portion of truth its due explanation, and 
each duty its due enforcement — and all without giving 
offence, has much cause of thankfulness. Some, no doubt, 
have a more happy talent than others for doing this. If a 
faultless manner, however, would always prevent offence, we 
might have supposed that men ol" God speaking as moved 
by the Holy Ghost — that apostles speaking when tilled with 
the spirit, — and especially that Christ himself, in whom 
dwelt all the fulness of wisdom and knowledge, would not 
have given offence. Yet what preachers have ever given 
more offence, or excited against them more bitter persecu- 
tions. "It is enough For the disciple to be as his master, 
and the servant as his Lord." The duty of faithfulness, 
generally considered, all admit. But when we come to 
its application to particular parts of religious duty — for in- 
stance, slavery, then objections are made, and it is per- 
haps decided to be an imprudent thing to declare the truth 
of God on that subject. 

It is so common to make objections to ministers of the 
gospel saying or doing any thing on the subject of slave- 
ry, that 1 feel disposed to make a remark or two on that 
point. Passing by their natural and equal right as citi- 
zens, which i'ew will deny, I shall notice the objection to 
their bringing their religious character and influence as 
expounders of God's word, to bear against it. 



20 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

I must first remark, that there is a very manifest incon- 
sistency in objections of this kind, when made by the 
American people. No one who has made himself at all 
acquainted with the history of the American involution, 
can be ignorant of the willingness with which preachers 
were heard when they brought religion and the Scriptures 
to justify our defending our own liberties ; nor with what 
solicitude their influence and co-operation were sought. 
There was then no objection to considering liberty as so 
far connected with religion, as to bring all the force of re- 
ligion to bear on the question of defending it. The minis- 
ter who was known to be a good staunch Whig, was the 
more willingly listened to. The Royalists and Tories, it 
is true, complained of this, and called it preaching politics ; 
but no good Whig had any scruples on the matter, or 
any difficulty in defending the course of the Whig clergy. 

Now I put it to your candour, is it fair to take opposite 
ground as soon as the question is transferred from your 
rights to the rights of others 1 How can you in consis- 
tency and conscience justify the Whig clergy of the revo- 
lution in their continual treating our rights and liberties as 
moral questions ; and at the same time object to their sons, 
or the hoary heads of the same men, when they only do 
the same thing? Does not our Lord and Master say again 
and again, that he is no "respecter of persons?" that he 
has made of " one blood all nations of men," and that we 
must apply his law impartially to all? On what principle 
can you require one doctrine to be dealt out, when your 
rights and liberties are in question, and another when the 
same question comes up respecting doing justice to those 
in slavery? 

It is not more inconsistent in people to require such 
"deceitful handlings" of the word of God, and the sacred 
principles of religion, than it is in ministers to practice it. 
If they believe that the Americans were justifiable in their 
separation from the mother country ; if they believe that 
their fathers in the gospel were right in considering that 
case as having a moral character, and in bringing Scripture 
and religion to bear on it, they are bound by consistency, 
yea, by higher obligations, to aid all safe and lawful means 
for bringing about the emancipation of those in bondage* 



LETTER II. 21 

Considered as to the rights withholden, the oppressions 
endured, the evils growing out of their situation, the case 
of slaves is much more hard than ours was, and of course 
much more contrary to that religion which was made to 
interpose its sacred character and powerful influence on 
our side. 

There is this other important point of difference. Scrip- 
ture is much more plain in condemning oppression, and 
denouncing the judgments of God against the oppressor, 
than it is in justifying resistance on the part of the op- 
pressed. 

If our fathers, as the Whig clergy taught, were justified 
in resisting the oppression of England, then the crime of 
England in thus oppressing, must have been still more 
plain, and the clergy were justified by Scripture in warn- 
ing her of her sin. 

Now, in the case of personal slavery, which is much 
worse than political, I claim for the clergy but the right of 
addressing the oppressor, pointing out his sin, and urging 
him to cease from it. To the slave, the person oppressed, 
nothing need be said. When they are addressed, obe- 
dience to their master ought be enjoined — patience and 
contentment with their lot. The object should be to in- 
duce their masters to restore to them their rights, and thus 
prevent a contest for them. 

When the divine right of kings was plead in England 
and this country, to trammel conscience, and prevent our 
fathers from asserting their rights, the great body of the 
Whig clergy came forward, and by their preaching and 
exposition of Scripture, showed that when fairly inter- 
preted, Scripture was in favour of freedom and the natural 
rights of man. The doctrine jure divino, which was then 
exploded respecting government, is precisely the same 
which some now plead respecting slavery ! Many passages 
may be found in the Bible fully as strong in favour of mo- 
narchy and despotism, as can be found in favour of slavery. 
We would laugh at the man who would plead them in fa- 
vour of the one, and yet grave men may be found who 
plead the other. Religious teachers owe it to God, to 
their office, and to the best interests of men, to disabuse 
the public mind, and set forth the true teaching of Scrip- 
ture on this matter. 



22 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

I readily admit that there are things in such a sense po- 
litical, that with them religion has but little, if anything, to 
do. Whether a people choose to live under a king, or in 
a republic ; whether they prefer hereditary or elective 
rulers ; whether elections be for a long or a short period ; 
whether the legislative, executive and judiciary branches, 
be in separate hands, or all entrusted to the same indivi- 
dual : whether civil and criminal causes be tried by a judge 
and jury, or be entrusted wholly to a judge : whether they 
be tried and decided according to written laws, or accord- 
ing to the natural equity of the case, in the opinion of the 
court ; these, with a thousand such things, may be regu- 
lated one way or another, according to the will of the peo- 
ple, without the claims of religion being violated. But 
whatever form of government they may adopt, the benefit 
of the people ought to be kept in view. With whomso- 
ever the law-making power may be lodged, equal and just 
laws ought to be made : whoever is entrusted with the 
executive department, ought to rule in the fear of God — 
and those appointed as judges, ought to be a terror to evil- 
doers and a praise to those that do well." Whatever the 
form may be, and whatever the mode of procedure, the 
substance to be secured and the end to be sought, is the 
same : justice and honesty, and fair dealing, and well 
doing, are to be promoted ; while dishonesty and injustice, 
and all evil doing, and hard dealings of man to man, ought 
to be prevented. Rulers have no moral right to set aside 
the law of God: and that law embraces our conduct and 
points out our duty, in all things, both to God and man. 

A large portion of the community, are not only destitute 
of religion, but often ignorant of its claims. Many of 
those who fill the higher seats in our civil community, and 
have a chief hand in framing its laws, have not the fear of 
God before them ; and use little if any care to frame laws 
according to natural equity and the claims of religion. The 
laws of God, however, do not lose their claims upon 
society, or individuals, by the fact, that their civil laws 
may run counter to the laws of God. They remain the 
same, and the obligation to obey them remains the same, 
however hand may join in hand, and iniquity be framed by 
law. 



LETTER II. 23 

One of the chief means appointed by God for preserving 
the knowledge and enforcing the claims of his law, is the 
sacred ministry. Ministers are to act for God, to explain 
his law, and urge his claims ; and wo be to them if they 
alter, or betray, or are found unfaithful. 

It may be worth while to notice a few of those Scrip- 
tures, which state the general duty of ministers, and the 
practical effect of their office on the world. 

" For the Priest's lips should keep knowledge and they 
should seek the law at his mouth ; for he is the messen- 
ger of the Lord of Hosts." "Go ye," says our Lord, 
" and teach all nations — teaching them to observe all that I 
have commanded you. Whosoever shall break one of these 
least commandments and shall teach men so, shall be called 
the least in the kingdom of heaven ; but whosoever shall 
do and teach the same shall be called the greatest in the 
kingdom of heaven." Male. ii. Matt. v. 28. 

Their office is represented as of the utmost importance 
as a means of turning people from sin and saving them 
from ruin. 

" If they had stood in my council and caused my peo- 
ple to hear my words, then they should have turned them 
from their evil way, and from the evil of their doings. Take 
heed unto thyself and to thy doctrine, continue in them ; 
for in so doing thou shalt both save thyself and those that 
hear thee." Jer. xxiii. 1 71m. iv. 

All classes of persons, and all the relations of man, are 
embraced in their comprehensive rules of ministerial con- 
duct : the high and the low, the ruler and the ruled, the 
moral character of civil regulations, as well as any other 
kind of moral conduct all are to be tried by the moral law ; 
and according to their agreement or disagreement with that 
unerring and unalterable standard, is the doer to be addressd 
with admonition, or warning, or approbation. " Hear the 
word of the Lord, O King of Judah, that sittest upon the 
throne of David, thou and thy servants and thy people. 
Thus saith the Lord : execute ye judgment and righteous- 
ness, and deliver the spoiled out of the hands of the 
oppressor; and do no wrong, do no violence to the 
stranger, the fatherless and the widow — wo unto him that 
buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers 



24 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

by wrong ; that useth his neighbour's service without 
wages, and giveth him not for his work. Jer. xxii. ii. 

It is a painful fact that many of those from whom they met 
with most opposition, (Jer. xx. 1. xxvi. 8. xxix.21 — 32.) 
made great pretensions to religion ; but had their favourite 
sinful indigencies, which they either pretended were not 
wrong, or were to be tolerated in the existing state of 
things. There is hardly one faithful prophet of whom we 
have any account, who did not meet with opposition — a 
large portion of them were put to death. It is given as the 
general character of Israel, that " they mocked the mes- 
sengers of God, and despised his words, and misused his 
Prophets." 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16. 

This exposure to opposition and suffering, for a faithful 
discharge of ministerial duty, presented a strong tempta- 
tion to be unfaithful — to avoid those topics which gave 
offence, and so shape instructions as to keep in favour with 
the multitude, and those in power. No one can read the 
Old Testament, and especially those parts of it that relate 
to the worst times in the history of Israel, without seeing 
much proof of this mournful fact. Religious teachers are 
directly charged with it in many places, and awful judg- 
ments are denounced against them for so doing. 

" From the Prophet even unto the priest, every one 
dealeth falsely. They have healed the hurt of the daugh- 
ter of my people slightly, saying peace, peace, when there 
is no peace. I have seen folly in the Prophets of Sama- 
ria. I have seen an horrible thing in the Prophets of Jeru- 
salem ; they strengthen the hands of evil-doers, that none 
doth return from his wickedness." Jer. vi. 13.xxiii. 13, 14. 

Jeremiah who witnessed the state of things that preced- 
ed the destruction of Judah, often complains that many 
religious teachers, instead of aiding to stem the torrent of 
iniquity, took part in it, and by precept and example en- 
couraged others in their evil way. Some of them took 
part against Jeremiah, represented, and treated him as a 
troubler of Israel, for faithfully reproving them for their 
sins. 

After the ruin took place, which he had laboured so 
faithfully to prevent, in his lamentations over it, he refers 
to the course which those unfaithful teachers took, as the 



LETTER II. 25 

crowning cause of the calamity. " Thy Prophets have seen 
vain and foolish things for thee : and have not discovered 
thine iniquity, to turn away thy captivity : but have seen for 
thee false burdens and causes of banishment." Lam. ii. 14. 
And it deserves particular remark that personal slavery was 
the special sin for which more than any other, the king- 
dom of Judah was thus visited. Any one may see this by 
comparing the twenty-second, twenty-third, and thirty- 
fourth chapters of Jeremiah. The case will be more fully 
noticed hereafter. 

Had we a fair and full account of the reasons plead by 
the people in justification of their course, notwithstanding 
the solemn remonstrances of Jeremiah, and had all the rea- 
sons of the teachers who took sides with the people against 
him ; we would in all probability have, to a considerable 
extent, the same reasons and excuses that are urged now 
in justification of slavery. Jeremiah was charged with 
" not seeking the peace" and interest of the Jews, in thus 
remonstrating with them for their sins. It was said that 
he " iceakened the hands of the men of war" and thus 
would ruin the nation. It was probably supposed that 
their temporal interests and safety required the Prophet 
to be silent on those points, about which he warned them; 
that either those things were not wrong, or they were 
! beneficial notwithstanding, or the present state of things, 
* made it inexpedient to efTect at present the reformation 
which the Prophet pointed out. How far this is the course 
many now take respecting slavery, is known to all. Unless a 
change takes place, the time will come, and sooner than 
many are aware of, that the "folly will be manifest unto 
all men, as theirs also ivas." 

Yours, &c. 



26 



LETTER III. 



Christian Brethren, 

The great objection to all discussion of the subject of 
slavery, is that it is fraught with danger. It may be proper 
to offer some remarks on this point, before I proceed to 
said discussion. 

The objection that it is a dangerous subject, and there- 
fore ought not be discussed, is, I believe, made by two 
classes of persons, and for different reasons. One class 
make this objection, not that they apprehend danger ; that 
at least is not their reason for making it. They love 
slavery, have no heart to give it up. They wish to per- 
petuate it and have their gains from it. They see the pro- 
gress of opinions favourable to emancipation, and [expe- 
rience it more and more difficult to find reasons that carry 
any tolerable justification of it. To be drawn into discus- 
sions of the subject in this state of things, is not a little 
vexatious to them, and the most plausible way for wholly 
preventing it, is to raise the cry of danger. Behind this, 
they can take shelter, and in part conceal the fact, that 
they have " exhausted their arguments" in favour of 
slavery. Now I put it to your candour, whether these per- 
sons are entitled to the benefit of such a protection. You 
will find this whole class of persons doing nothing to put 
away the evil, and remove the danger. This holding out 
false colours and using false papers to prevent capture is, 
to say the least, a stratagem in war, to which great and 
honourable minds seldom if ever stoop. 

There are, however, persons who really fear danger 
from the discussion of this subject; and are perfectly 
honest in making this objection. They apprehend that in 
some way or other, it may lead to evils of a most serious 
kind ; and, therefore, can hardly help feeling as if their 
safety and peace were trifled with, by persons that talk, 
and especially write and publish against slavery. They feel 
more or less, the evil and iniquity of the system, and 
would cheerfully concur in any safe and practicable mode 
of removing it ; but until such mode be adopted, they 
think that safety requires silence. 



LETTER III. 27 

Great respect is due to this class of persons. To lightly 
disregard their wishes, to trifle with their feelings, would be 
cruel, would be unpardonable. I hope I am incapable of 
doing it. A multitude of things must ever bind my affec- 
tions to the South. Before my time of life, a man's views, 
and feelings, and habits, are usually so settled and fixed, 
as seldom to undergo much change. I was born in Vir- 
ginia, where my parents have spent a life of near fourscore 
years. All my life, a few months excepted, has been 
spent there. Almost all my relations are there, or in slave- 
holding states ; and most of them are slaveholders. All 
my early associations, all those untold bonds that bind us 
to the scenes of infancy and youth, most of those moral 
ties which unite us to those we have laboured to instruct, 
for whom we have often prayed, and witli whom we have 
" taken sweet council, and gone to the house of God in 
company" are \ Irginians. 

" With all thy faults I love thee still, my country — and 
still must love thee." 

My treating of the difficult, and to many offensive sub- 
ject of slavery, does not arise from any want of attachment 
to the South, or any disregard to its interests — much less 
does it arise from a disposition to trifle with the wishes or 
fears of those who may have fears on this matter. If I 
believed that discussion would have the effect which some 
apprehend from it, it would be with me a weighty consid- 
eration against ever publishing one line on the subject. 
But after looking at the matter on all sides, and giving it a 
good deal of consideration, I am strongly inclined to the 
opinion that the danger attending slavery in the South de- 
pends very little, if at all, on a temperate discussion of 
the subject. 

I agree with those of you who think that slavery is a 
matter fraught with danger — a danger much greater and 
more near than many seem to suppose. But I wholly dif- 
fer from you as to the supposed effect of discussion. The 
causes of danger I apprehend are independent of discus- 
sion, and will be very little aflected by it; yea I am in- 
clined to the opinion that, taking things as tiny are, no- 
thing will have a more direct tendency to avert the danger 
and lead to its final removal, than temperate, but free and 



28 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

full discussion of the whole matter. This opinion, the re- 
sult of a good deal of reflection, will, I hope, in part at 
least, serve as an apology for pursuing a subject known to 
be unpleasant to you. It is due to you to give reasons for 
this opinion. For the purpose of doing this, allow me to 
call your attention to the state of things among us, and in 
the South generally, as regards slavery and its dangers, in- 
dependent of discussion — and then to the superadded ef- 
fect of discussion. 

Unless I am greatly mistaken, nine-tenths, perhaps nine- 
teen-twentieths of the circumstances that make and increase 
the danger from slavery, are wholly independent of any 
discussion of the subject. If the subject were never men- 
tioned, nor even thought of by slaveholders, still the fol- 
lowing facts would exist. 

There v is in the United States above two millions of 
slaves, and above three hundred thousand free coloured 
people, and mostly in the slaveholding states. Together 
they amount to above one-sixth of our whole population. 
The southern states, which contain all but a fraction of 
this people, do not contain one-half of our white popula- 
tion ; so that the proportion of blacks to whites, in the 
whole of the South, is more than one to two, or about four 
to seven.* 

It ought to be recollected also that the interior and upland 
parts, the mountainous and grain-growing districts, have a 
larger proportion of whites — leaving a much larger pro- 
portion of blacks in the low country, the sea-board, the 
cotton, tobacco and rice-producing and sugar-making dis- 

Whites. Blacks. Free Col. 

* Virginia, E. of B. Ridge, 375,655 416,320 47,005 

N.Carolina, 472,433 246,462 19,575 

S. Carolina, 257,878 315,665 7,915 

Georgia, 296,614 217,740 2,483 

Louisiana, 89,191 109,631 16,753 

Alabama, 190,171 117,494 1,541 

Mississippi, 70,618 65,659 529 

1,752,560 1,488,971 89,801 

89,801 

Total, 1,752,560 1,578,772 



\ 



LETTER III. 29 



tricts. Where the whites are most numerous, the blacks 
are fewest, and where there are most blacks there are few- 
est whites ; giving in many and large districts a much lar- 
ger number of blacks than whites.* 

To this we may add that the southern country generally 
is more congenial to the blacks than to the whites. Their 
natural increase, owing to climate, labour, early marriages 
&c. is greater than that of the whites, and many things 
tend to accumulate them in the South. 

While the policy lately adopted by most of the southern 
states for limiting the introduction of blacks for the mere 
purpose of traffic, will no doubt in some degree lessen 
their increase from emigration ; still, under the present or 
any plan likely to be soon adopted in the South, more 
blacks than whites may be expected to go there. The 
traffic will no doubt, to some extent, continue. Means 
will be found to evade the laws. 

Views and feelings opposed to slavery are travelling 
southward. They are now operating powerfully in Ma- 
ryland, the north and western parts of Virginia, and in 
some parts of Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri. With 
some, these views and feelings are accompanied with the 
generous resolution of not selling but freeing their slaves. 
But with a much larger number, self-interest still predomi- 
nates. Public sentiment, they see. begins more and more 
to be against slavery. They begin themselves to be asham- 
ed and tired of it; but have no hearl to give up property. 
They apprehend that the time is not remote when it will 
be disgraceful to sell a fellow creature : public sentiment 
will yet bear it. They make some excuse for selling ; 
and a negro-trader who has marked how much more they 
sell for in the south, than they can be bought for in the 
middle states, buys them — and for a profit of one or two 
hundred dollars, can in some w ay get them sold in the 
south, legislative precautions to the contrary notwith- 
standing. 

The character of the coloured population carried to the 

!. ist of the Blue Ridge, in Virginia, are 375,936 whites and 
457,013 blacks; giving 1 the blacks 81.077 of a majority in thai 
region. 

3 • 



30 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

south, is of a cast well calculated to have a great effect on 
those already there. The same views and feelings which, 
along the northern border of the slaveholding states, are 
so operating on the whites as to loosen the bands of sla- 
very, must, from the nature of the case, be received more 
or less by the slaves themselves. They have higher no- 
tions of liberty, and more impatience under bondage, and 
make a nearer approach to freemen in their habits and 
general character. 

On an examination, I doubt not, it would be found that 
along the slave border, and in those districts where the 
slave is least valued for his labour, and from which many 
are carried to the south ; they live better, are less pressed 
with labour, and have more information than in other parts 
of the country. Of those sold to the south there is a 
pretty large proportion of the most intelligent — those pos- 
sessed of the highest notions of liberty, and of the injustice 
of withholding it from them. These are taken to the 
south — often sorely against their wills, mingled with the 
black population already there, and pressed down to the 
same level. Their mode of living, their treatment, and 
privileges, undergo a great change ; and that change is 
against their comfort, and at the expense of what they 
have long considered as due to them. I can hardly con- 
ceive a state of things better calculated to impart informa- 
tion and discontent to all. It is a leaven that must soon 
leaven the whole lump. 

It ought to be added, for it cannot be denied, that among 
those carried to the south, there are some who of right are 
free ;* and many who fully expected that they themselves, 

* In 1826 it was ascertained that abont thirty free coloured per- 
sons were kidnapped from the city of Philadelphia, and sold for 
slaves in the south. There may have been others. 

Within less than one year from September, 1827, the Benevo- 
lent Society of Alexandria reported twelve coloured persons whom 
they had rescued from the slave traders, who were taking- them to 
the south ; all of whom were free, as was fully believed. They 
were all from Maryland. Other free coloured persons, it was be- 
lieved were carried through during' the same period, whom they 
were not able to rescue. 

A gentleman of the Bar in Baltimore informed me, that at one 
term he brought before a Judge, by a writ of Habeas Corpus, 



LETTER III. 31 

or at least their children, would be free. The prospect of 
perpetual slavery for themselves and children, must be to 
such not a little gloomy ; and when they look about them, 
and see how much more numerous they are than the 
whites — how much better able to bear the climate, and 
how many of the whites have to leave the country in the 
sickly season, it must have a fearful tendency to beget 
thoughts of shaking off the yoke and making themselves 
free. There are many other things connected with this 
subject that look the same way. 

Our whole system of political institutions is in constant 
operation before the eyes of that people. If comparatively 
few of them understand all the details, the fundamental 
principles are known to most. It i< impossible to hide 
from the great body of them the fact, that they are held in 
slavery in direct opposition to the fundamental principles 
of our free institutions. 

The general facts of the American revolution are known 
to the coloured population. Many of their fathers wit- 
nessed it, and yet live to repeat its details to their children, 
and tell them how the whites became a free and indepen- 
dent people. Take coloured persons of plain common 
sense, and I suppose that nineteen out of twenty, perhaps 
ninety-nine out of a hundred, of those above twenty-live, 
know that the whites are free, because they made them- 
selves free ; and that the blacks are .-laves, because thus 
far the whites have been able to hold them in slavery. 
They know that power and not right sustains the claim of 
the whites over them. 

To tell them that religion allows holding them in 
slavery, that the Bible justifies it, will be much more 
likely to make them disregard the Bible, and prejudice 
them against its teachings ; or, what is more likely, and 
much more common, make them discredit the fairness and 
religious sincerity of the whites, than reconcile them to 
their condition; and for the plain reason known to the 

twelve or fifteen coloured persons, who were to be sold on the 
next day as runaways for their jail fees ; all of whom but one 
were found to be free persons, and set at liberty. Had lie not in- 
terfered, all of them, it was believed, would have been sold into 
slavery. 



32 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

whole of them, that the whites do not think so in their 
own case. 

The custom of using slaves as household servants, 
must, from the nature of the case, impart much informa- 
tion to them, and in some degree supply the place of a 
regular education. Perhaps I would not go beyond the 
truth were I to say, that, one half, or two-thirds of the co- 
loured people in the United States, have performed, or do 
to a greater or less extent, perform the duties of household 
servants. In that way they are so near their masters as to 
hear a great deal of conversation on almost all subjects. 
To a great extent the most intelligent and active young 
slaves, from the age of six or eight to that of sixteen or 
eighteen, are employed to wait in the house. When able 
to do common labour in the field, they are sent out, and 
their place at the house supplied with others, and the same 
course is gone over again. This is the period of life, be 
it remembered, in which most is done to form the charac- 
ter and give it a fixed direction. At no time are the imi- 
tative principles more active — at no time does the charac- 
ter receive more influence from those about us. In the 
presence of these young slaves we talk on all sorts of sub- 
jects ; go over the events of the revolution ; extol our fa- 
thers for asserting and maintaining their liberties ; speak of 
national and state rights, and discuss the endless questions 
that grow out of them; praise our free institutions as founded 
on more just and equitable principles than those of any 
other people, and take to ourselves great credit for secur- 
ing and defending them. 

Some attention may perhaps be paid to sending out of 
the room the grown slaves, while the subject of slavery is 
discussed ; while no attention is paid to the young slave, 
on whom the conversation may possibly have a much 
more decided effect. 

In conversing with a highly respectable gentleman on 
this matter, he related an anecdote in point. He had dining 
at his table, a foreigner of some distinction ; he had wait- 
ing on them a coloured boy, so small as not to be regarded 
in their conversation. The subject of slavery came up, 
perhaps suggested by seeing the boy ; and the foreigner, 
half jest and half earnest, rallied him on the inconsistency 



LETTER III. 33 

of slaveholding with his republicanism. He admitted the 
inconsistency, averred that slavery was wrong - , but turned 
it off in the common way, — that it was the custom of the 
country, and he could not well help falling into the com- 
mon practice. After rising from table they left the room, 
leaving in it a white youth, who was also a foreigner, and 
said negro boy. No sooner were they out of hearing than 
the little slave addressed the youth, " Did you not hear 
that ?" said he, " I have as much right to be free as any of 
you." His manner showed that he was not likely to for- 
get it. 

The very fact of sending out the grown slave, in the 
time and manner in which it is mostly done, not only in- 
duces them to use various artifices to hear what is said, as 
in truth they are often known to do, but serves as a watch- 
word to excite the attention of the young. Its curiosity 
[Cited, and it perhaps knows full well that it will be 
questioned by the grown slaves as to what the white folks 
talked about after sending them out. In truth the com- 
monness of having slaves about us, our habit of speaking 
freely and constantly before them, puts most persons off 
their guard ; and tilings are constantly said before them, 
which must have an effect on their opinions and feelings 
and general character. I do not think it possible for a sys- 
tem of slavery, such as obtains among us, to co-exist with 
our free institutions, and our general habits of talking freely 
on all subjects, without a constant and powerful effect being 
produced on the slave population. "\\ e are a talking peo- 
ple, and a people who love dearly to be waited on; and 
we cannot refrain from the former, even while the slave is 
doing the latter. 

There is, 1 think, to a considerable extent, a preference 
given to the mulattoes for house-servants. They are the 
neatest, the best looking, and for the most part the most 
intelligent and active. Other equally natural reasons might 
be imagined as having an influence. But what I have in 
view chiefly is the fact that while their complexion proves 
their relationship to the whites, and while most can but 
conjecture the particular individual to whom they are re- 
lated, there is no reason to doubt but that the mulattoes 
themselves mostly know from the mother, and especially 



34 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

when the individual is considered wealthy or respectable. 
To find themselves neglected and despised, perhaps sold 
or left in bondage by those so nearly related to them, must 
be bitter and galling, and may be expected to beget deep 
hatred of the whites by whom it is so commonly prac- 
tised. 

There is no doubt such a thing as family traits of cha- 
racter, as to talents, mind, disposition, &c. Its character 
may not be as strongly marked as some have supposed ; 
but it is in the face of all observation, wholly to deny it. 
That the high notions of liberty, the ardent feeling and 
proud unbending spirit of the south, should be imparted 
with their blood to the mixed race so numerous among 
them, is wbat must be expected. Many mulattoes know 
that the blood of the first families in the south runs in 
their veins, they feel its proud, impatient, and spirit stirring 
pulsations ; and see themselves cast off and oppressed by 
those who gave them being. Such a state of things must 
produce characters "fit for treason, stratagem and spoil." 

The state of things abroad, the revolution in the south, 
the condition of the West Indies, the progress of liberty in 
Europe, all have a bearing on this subject. These topics 
are often the subject of conversation, and that before our 
slaves. Our fourth of July celebrations, and balls of the 
22d are attended, and the events they commemorate talked 
about. 

The servants who attend their masters on these occa- 
sions, wait at the tables, and hear their toasts, &c, must 
be destitute of common sense not to learn something. 

The visit of General De Lafayette, with the excitement 
it produced from Dan to Beersheba, with the dinners and 
toasts, and speeches and balls, and processions, and talk 
about our struggle for liberty, and our gratitude to him for 
espousing our cause, &c, gave a lesson to our slaves about 
the worth of liberty and the way to get it, which they will 
not forget during the present generation. 

The continually increasing intercourse between the 
Southern States and the West Indies, Mexico and South 
America, together with the large coloured population there, 
and the free condition in which many of them now are, 
and most of them will before long be, in the whole of those 



LETTER III. 35 

countries, must greatly increase the clanger in the south. 
Every year will make it more difficult to exclude free co- 
loured persons from participating in commercial intercourse 
with the south. To admit them will be dangerous, yet 
the enforcement of measures to exclude them, will almost 
certainly involve us in difficulties with foreign powers, 
and were the effort to exclude them successful, it could 
not fail to have a most injurious effect on the south, by 
the increasing difficulty it would present to a free and open 
intercourse, not only with those nations that have a co- 
loured population, but from the complex and ramified na- 
ture of trade, more or less, with all people. 

Nor ought it be forgotten that this is an age of improve- 
ment, and activity, and enterprise; a new impulse is given 
to the public mind ; new means have been invented to 
spread information and operate on the great mass of the 
community. It is an age of newspapers, magazines, jour- 
nals and reviews. There is vastly more travelling and 
going to and fro than formerly ; the monuments of liberty 
are multiplying, and in all these and many other ways, in- 
formation is disseminated through society, and brought 
within the reach of the slave. Few slaves, it is true, can 
read. From this source of information they are cut off; 
but there are those other thousands of channels at which 
I have glanced that are open to them, and full to overflow- 
ing. The very fact that slaves can neither read nor write, 
makes them cultivate with more care their memories, : and 
like all other illiterate people, be more particular to impart 
to each other, and instil into the minds of their children, 
what they wish to be recollected. 

Now unless you put down the newspaper system, abo- 
lish magazines, journals and reviews, burn the history of 
the revolution, banish all books of travels, and close the 
whole concern of printing, you will have laboured to little 
purpose. To prevent a few essays on slavery will be of 
little use, while such a mass of floating literature is delug- 

• I have known coloured blacksmiths, who would work all day, 
do perhaps twenty, thirty, or forty pieces of work for different 
individuals, and report them at night, with their prices, and the 
persons for whom they were done, without making- the smallest 
mistake. Many negroes have very good memories. 



36 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ing the country, a large portion of which bears more or 
less directly on the same point. You must tear from your 
law books, geographies, gazetteers, and other volumes, the 
declaration of independence, the bill of rights, the state 
constitution and other matters, that relate to personal rights, 
and not leave them in your libraries or on your tables, to 
be looked into by your house-servants, the very ones that 
can read. Nor ought you to omit to destroy those beautiful 
prints of the declaration of independence, which hang in 
your parlours, with the words free, liberty, independence, 
in such large letters, as seem to invite the particular 
attention of the slave,* not forgetting to put out of sight 
the prints of Washington, Jefferson, De Lafayette, and 
other worthies, and even forbid any to repeat their names, 
which are so connected with freedom, that almost every 
slave in the land, when he hears the one will think of the 
other. In short, a volume would not tell all that you must 
do if you would arrest the march of freedom, and remove 
all those things that beget thoughts of it in the mind of the 
slave. 

These causes, to which many more might be added, 
are in constant operation; whether the subject of slavery 
be discussed or not. They depend very little on discus- 
sion, and to me, they appear of a most alarming character. 
So far have things progressed, that we know not what an 
hour may bring forth. It is possible that the present state 
of things, with its progress, may last a number of years 
before any serious event takes place ; but unless things 
are arrested or given a new direction, take place they will, 
as certainly as effect follows its cause. And in an age 
like the present, when greater changes take place in a few 
years than formerly took place in a century, we know 
not but it may be at the very door. Their present number, 

* The declaration of independence not only declares that free- 
dom is an unalienable right, but that it is the right and the duty 
of a people to resist a government that does not protect it. And it 
gives a statement of the things which justified our fathers in re- 
sisting the government of England. A glance at them may satisfy 
any one, — will certainly satisfy the slave that his case is a hundred 
fold harder. 



LETTER III. 37 

increase, and situation in the South, makes it almost mo- 
rally certain, that the event is not very remote. 

While slavery continues, their increase is likely to con- 
tinue. The common checks on population in this country, 
do not much affect them. The care of providing for them- 
selves and families, does not lie on them, but on their 
owners. 

Let any one compare the whites with the blacks, as to 
the age at which they marry, and the number who do not 
marry at all, and he will see one reason of the greater in- 
crease of blacks in the slaveholding States. Most slaves 
marry, and that early. But many whites do not marry 
until late in life, and a good many not at all. White 
maidens of thirty, forty, and even sixty may be found in 
every neighbourhood ; but blank ones of those ages, are 
almost as scarce as white black-birds. Many lovely and 
deserving women, live and die in single blessedness, who 
but for slavery, would have been blessed much more to 
their liking. Slavery has made it so expensive to main- 
tain a family, that the men who would have mated with 
them, feared to marry, or have gone abroad in search of a 
living, or have ruined their morals, and made a slave the 
mother of their children. 

Nor ought we to forget that this is emphatically an age 
of freedom. Some twenty or thirty years had to pass before 
the world had confidence in the ability of man to govern 
himself, and in the stability of our free institutions. Con- 
fidence is at last gained, and admiration has followed in 
the multitude, and the effect has already shown itself in 
South America and Europe, and in the louder and louder 
murmur of displeasure against slavery, and the deeper sym- 
pathy felt for every people who attempt to be free. 

The state of things in England, with respect to slavery 
in the West Indies, and indeed throughout her colonies, 
justifies the belief that the West Indies will soon be in the 
hands of the blacks. The footing on which the coloured 
population is placed in Mexico and South America gene- 
rally, with the feeling of those States towards liberty ; the 
fact that many of their leading men are of the mixed race, 
all serve to show that those nations must be counted as on 
the side of freedom. 

4 



38 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

In our intercourse with them, causes of dispute are 
often taking place, and in the wars that may arise, what 
may we not fear from the use they may make of our slaves 
to break our power ? 

In twenty years hence we will have near four millions 
of slaves in the South. Were fifteen or twenty thousand 
men with a large portion of officers, together with one or 
two hundred thousand stand of arms, to land at some two 
or three places, and proclaim freedom to the slaves, and 
give them arms and engage to lead them, what is there that 
without a miracle, could save the South ? 

Or were the slaves by some successful stratagem, or 
taking advantage of some emergency, or betrayed into 
resistance, without any premeditated design, by some act 
of individual oppression, or some one of those thousand 
things which, in a moment of passion, leads to acts for 
which no pardon can be hoped, and thus forces to self- 
defence, lead them to make and maintain for a time a con- 
test for freedom, who can doubt but that they would 
receive aid from abroad ? I know that there is a preju- 
dice against the blacks, but I am much deceived if it be as 
great anywhere else as among ourselves. It is not much 
felt among most nations of Europe. And the injury 
which thatf prejudice has done them, is now seen and felt, 
and is awakening a deep sympathy for them. With a large 
portion of the civilized world, no people would have more 
sympathy and better wishes for success, in an effort to be 
free. After what we have done to shake the throne and 
displace the mitre, our continuing to practise slavery, and 
that of the very worst form, is viewed by most civilized na- 
tions as peculiarly inconsistent and well meriting severe 
retribution. 

Now the additional effect which a free but temperate 
discussion of this whole matter would have on the progress 
of things, could not be much ; and I am strongly inclined 
to the opinion, that it would really operate the other way ; 
that it would operate as a protecting and countervailing 
cause. Many of the chief causes of danger it could not 
add to. It certainly could not increase the coloured popu- 
lation — it could not retard the natural increase of the whites 
— it could not affect the physical force of either, and its 



LETTER III. 39 

moral effect on the blacks would hardly be felt, among 
those many causes now in constant operation. 

But as a countervailing and protecting cause, it would 
be of most important utility. It would enable us to get the 
dimensions of the evil and danger, to view it on all sides, 
and form correct opinions respecting it. A correct know- 
ledge thus obtained would not only be an indispensable 
preparation for adopting the proper course to escape the 
danger, but furnish the proper motive to reconcile us to 
that course. 

It must be evident to all who have paid any attention to 
the subject, that there is not barely a diversity but a con- 
trariety of opinion in the community respecting the extent 
and nearness of the danger. Some think the danger is 
little, and that little may safely be left to our children and 
grandchildren to guard against. Others think there is 
really no danger that deserves the name. But there are 
others, and among them many persons who have thought 
much on the subject, who believe that the danger is great, 
and if not immediate, yet from its peculiar nature and rapid 
increase, and the difficulty of averting it, demands that not 
an hour be lost in using all the means in our power to put 
things in such a train as may most effectually secure us 
against it. 

If the first or second opinion be correct, it would calm 
many fears to be satisfied of the fact. But if the last be 
correct, it is surely better to know it, and that as soon as 
possible. There is no question that more deeply affects 
this country. It would be of unspeakable importance to 
have it rightly understood. Discussion is the best way to 
bring it before the great mass of the community, and they 
alone can manage the evil. 

It is possible by means of discussions in the public 
prints to disseminate so much information through the 
community, as to give rise to a general sentiment, that the 
interests and safety of all parties require that some plan 
be speedily adopted to put an end to slavery. It would at 
least throw light on the question, whether the benefits of 
slavery were worth the danger growing out of it, or 
whether the system could not be so changed as to get clear 



40 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

of the danger, and yet retain most of the benefits resulting- 
from the employment of that people as the labouring class ? 

As the danger is real, it appears to me not wise to refuse 
to look fairly at it ; and I know of no way so likely and 
effectually to turn the public attention to it, as discussion. 
It could, no doubt, have been done with more ease twenty 
years ago, without letting the slaves know it, than now ; 
but it can be much more easily done now, than twenty 
years to come ; for I much suspect that twenty slaves will 
then read the newspapers to one that does now, and we 
will then have near twice the number. 

That some slaves would, through the conversations they 
might hear, find out that the whites were discussing the 
subject, is very probable. But that evil would be more 
than balanced by the benefit of keeping the attention of 
the whites to the subject ; and the information they would 
receive of the nature and extent of the danger — and the 
very fact that the slaves knew that the attention of the 
whites was directed particularly to the subject, would keep 
them to their best behaviour. Men do not engage in mis- 
chief, when they know they are watched. And farther, the 
hope which discussions of that subject might beget in them, 
that some plan would be adopted by the whites tending to 
their freedom, would have a natural tendency to prevent 
them from resorting to rash measures. They must know 
that it will be no easy matter for them to get free without 
the consent of the whites, and they, no doubt, would pre- 
fer the prospect of freedom, with the good-will of the 
whites, even at a distant period, yea, were it only as a 
heritage for their children, than run the danger attending 
an unsuccessful attempt to go out free. 

As to discussion suggesting to them thoughts of freedom, 
I doubt not they will have them whether the subject be 
discussed or not. To suppose that the great body of them 
are ignorant of the real state of things between them and 
the whites, is to suppose them destitute of common sense. 
To suppose that all they see of the operations of our free 
institutions — all they hear about national, state, and per- 
sonal rights — all they hear about the South American and 
European contest for freedom, never leads them to think 
of their own case, is, I apprehend, only to deceive our- 



LETTER III. 41 

selves. We may wish them not to apply these and a 
thousand such things to their own case ; but it is human 
nature to do it. If a brute animal sees another in good 
pasture, it will try to get in too — if a sheep sees another 
jump out of a pen, it will try to follow. Those slaves 
that have not sense enough to apply to their own case a 
thousand things which they hear and see daily, would be 
very little more affected by discussions, simply because 
they had the word slave occasionally in them. 

Yours, &c. 



4* 



42 



LETTER IV. 



Christian Brethren, 

The origin of negro slavery in this country — the mon- 
strous injustice and wickedness that attended the slave- 
trade — the state of servitude in Europe, and especially in 
England, compared with that to which negroes were sub- 
jected, and the leading features of slavery, as now existing 
among us, may very properly be noticed, before we apply 
the Scriptures to it, to ascertain its moral character. 

It is generally known that negro slavery was introduced 
into this country about two hundred years ago, soon after 
the first settlements were made. The number at first was 
small, but continued gradually to increase, until slaves be- 
came a constant article of traffic. 

The manner in which they were obtained in Africa, en- 
abled those engaged in it to realize such a profit as tended 
greatly to keep it up ; and at the same time held out great 
temptation to conceal the monstrous iniquity with which 
it was attended. Plausible pretences were used to excuse, 
and even give the colour of piety to a trade which was 
carried on in violation of all the commands of God, and 
every principle of humanity and justice. It is distinctly 
stated in the histories of those times, that both queen Eliza- 
beth and Louis XIII., in whose days it began, had scruples 
about the lawfulness of it ; and did not give their consent 
until they were assured that the negroes were brought over 
with their own free consent, and that it was the most ready 
way to convert them to Christianity. 

It was easy then, to what it is now, to conceal things 
from the great mass of the community. There was not 
one-thousandth part the means of gaining information of 
what was going on. There ^was not in existence until 
1588, such a thing as a newspaper. The one then estab- 
lished did not indeed deserve that name, but was rather, if 
my recollection of its history be correct, a circular issued 
a few times and then discontinued and forgotten. It was 
long afterwards before regular newspapers were printed ; 
and all know that it was not until lately that they, together 
with Magazines, Reviews, Journals, &c. became so im- 
portant a vehicle of information. 



LETTER IV. 43 

The mode in which the great body of slaves brought 
from Africa were obtained, was known to few, except those 
who were deeply interested in the trade, until thirty or 
forty years ago, when the question of putting a stop to it 
was before the English parliament. The trade had been 
going on for one hundred and fifty or two hundred years. 
Great opposition was made to having it stopped. Long 
and repeated efforts were made to conceal the manner in 
which slaves were obtained. So deep was the offence 
which Clarkson committed in Liverpool, by his efforts 
to induce persons who personally knew the facts, to 
come forward and state them, that he had to seek his per- 
sonal safety by flying from that place. So much informa- 
tion, however, was brought out by long examination of 
witnesses, that thousands and tens of thousands were 
shocked and confounded at the monstrous guilt that attend- 
ed it ; and parliament passed a law prohibiting the trade. 

Clarkson estimated that at least one-half of those brought 
over were kidnapped, more or less privately, and carried 
and sold into perpetual slavery in this country, without 
even the charge of an offence. He thus classed the whole, 
after a long and careful examination of the subject: — 1. 
Kidnapped. 2. Inhabitants of villages broke up. 3. Con- 
victs for some real or alleged crime. 4. Prisoners taken 
in wars mostly waged for the purpose of procuring them 
for the slave-traders. 5. Those born slaves. 6. Those 
who had lost their liberty by gambling. 7. Sold for debt. 

None of these could be a just cause for perpetual slavery. 
But of most of them it will not be pretended that they 
were. More than one half literally kidnapped ! Add to 
these the prisoners, those sold for debt, <fcc. and you will 
have perhaps six-sevenths of those sold for slaves in this 
country, and whose children are now in slavery, who were 
as free in their own country as you are — had their proper- 
ty and family comforts about them, and have, without any 
crime been torn from all, and doomed with their children 
to perpetual slavery ! And some even take oifence at all ef- 
forts to induce those who hold them to let them go out free ! 

Very soon after the trade commenced, it was found 
more cheap to kidnap, seize by force, or take by fraud f 
than to buy from those who may have had a few to sell. 



44 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

Although a kind of slavery prevailed more or less among 
the Africans, it was of a very mild character. Much of a 
supply could not be obtained by fair purchase, and that at 
an expense which the traders wished to avoid. Other 
ways than that of fair purchase were resorted to. Some- 
times means were taken to get a large number of persons 
on ship-board, and then all were seized and made slaves. 
Companies landed and took forcibly all they could get 
hold of; villages were surrounded in the night — set on 
fire; — those who resisted were killed or disabled, and all 
they could take sold into slavery. By going to different 
parts of the coast, many were obtained in these ways. At 
length, however, so much alarm was produced that many 
tribes either left the coast, or, taught by experience the 
wiles of the trader, were so much on their guard, that new 
measures were found necessary. Trading-houses were 
then established on the coast, and engagements made with 
the kings and head-men to furnish slaves. They were 
induced by presents of spirits and goods to make war on 
other tribes for the sake of getting prisoners — to kidnap 
all they could — to procure by any means slaves for the 
traders. Thence arose a systematic course of war and 
plunder among the tribes. Head-men made war for the 
sake of getting prisoners. Private individuals kidnapped 
whom they could, (often of their own tribe,) hurried them 
to the trader, who gave them some trifle, and sold the 
sufferer into perpetual bondage. Selling to the trader be- 
came the common punishment for crime< — for suspected 
crime — for pretended crime ; and often a whole family 
was sold for the pretended crime of one of its members. 
The spirit of retaliation between tribes, and jealousy and 
revenge among families of the same tribe, were thus kept 
alive, and furnished perpetual objects for the trader. 

The lives lost by the wars and plundering to obtain 
slaves, far exceeded, it is supposed, the number sold into 
slavery. The avidity of the trader for slaves — the fact 
that few, if any, of the slaves ever returned to relate what 
was done with them,— gave an awful horror to being sold 
to the traders. So overwhelming was this fear, that it 
was common for slaves, if not prevented, to throw them- 
selves overboard and drown themselves. 



LETTER IV. 45 

The hazard of the climate, and the love of gain, in- 
duced most traders to crowd into their vessels more slaves 
than they could carry with comfort, and to feed them on 
the coarsest fare ; and if scarcity of food or water took 
place, they often threw slaves overboard. None but those 
who have read detailed accounts, can well conceive the 
sufferings of the poor slaves. On an average it has been 
computed that from one-fourth to one-third died during 
the passage. I have noticed accounts of many vessels 
that lost a larger proportion. And when arrived at the 
place of their future bondage, they were sold, and with 
little if any regard to their connections as husband and 
wife, parent and child, or brother and sister. The in- 
justice, the guilt, the blood ; the groans and sorrows 
which none pitied ; the tears which no kind hand wiped 
away ; the broken hearts which no one bound up; — who 
can tell ! They are all known to Him who is no respecter 
of persons, and who hath declared himself a God of re- 
compenses. 

One of the most plausible excuses for bringing them 
over was, that they might be converted to Christianity. 
Many of them no doubt have been converted. That, how- 
ever, could not justify the means used to procure them ; 
it could not justify selling them into perpetual slavery ; 
it could only be a pretence, as the whole case showed. 

Many, I doubt not, who became slave-holders in this 
country, have used a commendable degree of zeal, to in- 
struct their slaves in the principles of Christianity. There 
are, however, some painful facts on this matter. Several 
things clearly show, that had the negroes professed Chris- 
tianity in their own country, enslaving them would not 
have been tolerated by the governments of Europe, under 
whose protection the colonics were planted. An opinion 
appears then to have prevailed, that the heathen had no 
rights ; that their lands and property might be taken, and 
themselves enslaved, simply on the ground that they were 
heathen. The Pope gave away whole countries, being 
heathen. The kings of Europe took possession, as of 
right, of all lands being heathen discovered by their sub- 
jects; and made grants or settled colonies in them at 
pleasure. 



46 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

The influence of Christianity had either put an end to 
slavery in Europe, or at least so modified it, that it hardly 
deserved that name : and had produced a very general im- 
pression that a Christian could not lawfully be held in 
slavery. Some negro slaves, taken to England soon after 
the trade commenced, learning this fact, obtained baptism 
at the hands of some minister, and their owners did not 
venture to retain them forcibly in bondage. Although the 
conversion of the negroes to Christianity was the imposing 
excuse for bringing them over, yet the impression that as 
soon as they professed religion, and were baptized, they 
would be free, soon began to operate ; and there is incon- 
trovertible proof that it operated, and that extensively, so 
as to prevent their being instructed and received into the 
church. There is on record legislative enactments prohi- 
biting the baptism of slaves, without the consent of their 
owners, and on the alleged ground that it might interfere 
with the rights of property.* So much did this opinion 
and feeling operate against the religious instruction of 
slaves, that the bishop of London, to whose diocese the 
English colonies belonged, addressed a circular to the colo- 
nists,! and attempted to reconcile them to the instruction 
and baptism of their slaves, by laying it down as a prin- 
ciple, that religion had nothing to do with civil rights — 
that whatever rights they had in their slaves before bap- 
tism, they would continue to have afterwards. This 
opinion gradually supplanted the other. A remnant, how- 
ever, of the first opinion still remained, and uniting with a 
general impression that much information, except how to 
work, was dangerous in slaves, has led almost universally 
to discourage, and often directly to prevent, giving instruc- 
tion to that people. 

Slavery may be said to have terminated in England, and 
been near its end in most of Europe, at the time negro 
slavery began to be regulated by law in this country. The 
civil institutions, the rights and privileges of England, 
were transplanted to America for the benefit of the colo- 

* See Stroud and Stephens. 

f See the letter in an account of missions in the British colonies, 
by D. Humphry s, D. D. Page 257—275. 



LETTER IV. 47 

nists ; even English convicts sent over and sold for their 
crimes, did not go into slavery ; but after a temporary ser- 
vice, during which most of their rights as Englishmen 
were retained, and others only suspended, they regained 
the whole, and were free. Their bondage never reached 
their children. In all reason, the negroes, six-sevenths of 
whom were really charged with no crime, ought not to have 
been placed on a worse footing. Monstrous as were the 
crimes of the trader, who kidnapped them, or obtained 
them by means not more fair ; they were hardly more un- 
just than the conduct of those who degraded the helpless 
and deeply injured slave, and fixed his condition for life, 
and that of his children after him, almost on the same 
level with the brute. 

You are so well acquainted with the condition of the 
slave, as a subject of law and a member of civil society, 
that it might seem useless for me to make any remark re- 
specting it. Some objections, however, made to my brief 
reference to that point in the piece above referred to, as 
well as several other things, have led me to think that as a 
matter of fact, many have very imperfect information on 
this point, perhaps having never made it a subject of ex- 
amination. I will, however, do little more than give you 
an extract or two from Stroud's Sketch of the Laws on 
Slavery in the United States, followed with a few remarks. 
From a careful examination of the laws of all the slave- 
holding states, the following propositions, with some va- 
riation of circumstances, are shown by quotations from 
their laws, to be common to the whole of the states. The 
first set of propositions result from the laws, which refer to, 
and ascertain, the relation of the slave to his master. The 
second, the relation of the slave to civil society generally. 

1. " The master may determine the kind and degree of 
labour to which the slave shall be subjected. 

2. " The master may supply the slave with such food 
and clothing only, both as to quantity and quality, as he 
may see proper, or find convenient. 

3. " The master may, at his discretion, inflict any pun- 
ishment upon the person of his slave. 

4. " All the power of the master over his slave may be 



48 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

exercised not by himself only in person, but by any one 
whom he may depute as his agent. 

5. " Slaves have no legal right of property in things 
real or personal, but whatsoever they may acquire belongs 
in point of law to their master. 

6. " The slave being a personal chattel, is at all times 
liable to be sold absolutely, or mortgaged, or leased, at the 
will of his master. 

7. "He may also be sold by process of law, for the 
satisfaction of the debts of the living, or the debts and be- 
quests of a deceased master, at the suit of debtors or 
legatees. 

8. " A slave cannot be a party before a judicial tribunal 
in any special action, against his master, however atrocious 
may have been the injury received from him. 

9. " Slaves cannot redeem themselves, nor obtain a 
change of masters, though cruel treatment may have ren- 
dered such change necessary for their personal safety. 

10. "Slaves being objects of property, if injured by 
third persons, their owners may bring suit and recover 
damages for said injury. 

11. " Slaves can make no contracts. 

12. " Slavery is hereditary and perpetual." 

In some points the laws of the several states differ in 
regard to the above relations of the slave to his master, 
but in substance they agree. 

The following propositions relate to the legal relation 
which the slave sustains to civil society generally. 

1. "A slave cannot be a witness against a white person 
either in a civil or a criminal cause. 

2. " He cannot be a party to a civil suit. 

3. " The benefits of education are withholden from the 
slave. 

4. " The means for moral and religious instruction are 
not granted to the slave ; on the contrary, the efforts of 
the humane and charitable to supply these wants, are dis- 
countenanced by law. 

5. "Submission is required of the slave, not to the will 
of his master only, but to that of all other white persons. 

6. " The criminal codes of the slave-holding states, bear 
much more severely upon slaves than upon white persons. 



LETTER IV. 49 

7. " Slaves are prosecuted and tried upon criminal ac- 
cusations, in a manner inconsistent with the rights of hu- 
manity." 

On these points, as in the former, there is some varia- 
tion among the states, but in substance they agree. 

It is readily admitted that the laws respecting slaves 
do not give a full view of their actual condition. Very 
much will depend on the character of the slave-holders ; 
and the liberal, generous, open-hearted disposition of the 
better part of slave-holders does, to a considerable degree, 
make amends for the state of the laws. Still it remains a 
truth, that the laws of a people are one of the means of 
knowing the character of a people, and their laws on 
slavery one means of knowing the condition of their slaves. 
It is in fact always considered so. And when the law 
makers are chosen annually by the people, and accounta- 
ble to the people, the laws may fairly be considered to be 
what the people wish them to be. Now, as the great de- 
sign of the laws is to give protection to person, rights, and 
property, we need but look at the protection which the 
slave-holders secure to themselves, and compare it with 
what they secure to the slave, and we will find a greater 
difference than can, I think, be found under any other sys- 
tem of slavery of which we have any account. Slaves are 
not, it is true, butchered as they were in Sparta; but 
butcheries were then common things in the world. Mas- 
ters have not the power of life and death, as for a time the 
Roman masters had ; but Roman masters had the same 
power over their own wives and children. The whole 
state of society has advanced. What we say is, that the 
condition of the slave, as ascertained by law, compared 
with that of the master, shows a greater difference under 
the system of negro slavery, than I think can be found 
under any other system of slavery in the past or present 
world. 

Take, for instance, the penal laws of the several states, 
and compare the number of crimes for which the white 
man suffers death, with those for which the slave, and for 
the most part the free coloured person, suffers it ; for it is 
a singular fact, that the laws which ascertain and fix the 

5 



50 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

relation of the slave to civil society, is made in most cases 
to include the free blacks with the slave. 

Slaves are, if I mistake not, liable to death in Virginia 
for near seventy crimes, for which a white man is not thus 
punished. 

In Mississippi the slave may suffer death for about fifty 
crimes ; the white man for about twelve. 

In Georgia the slave for about nine ; the white man 
about four. 

In South Carolina the slave for about thirty-six; the 
white twenty-seven. 

In Kentucky the slave for about eleven ; the white four. 

The Tennessee and Missouri laws are mild. In the 
former the slave is punished with death in about four cases, 
and the latter six. 

Now, when it is recollected that slaves are seldom 
taught to read, and in many cases the law forbids teaching 
them, and that no provision is made to have the laws read 
to them, the case is peculiarly hard. Add to this the fact, 
that they are not tried by their peers, and very seldom by 
a jury, have not a selection of their counsel, and have no 
property with which to fee him, with various things of 
this sort, and how poor a protection has the slave com- 
pared with what is secured to the whites. It can hardly 
be doubted, but that slaves may, in many cases, be con- 
victed and executed for offences which it was, humanly 
speaking, impossible they should know were capital of- 
fences, or indeed legal offences at all; for many of those 
actions made capital in slaves, are not offences against the 
law of nature, nor offences against the moral law, even if 
the slave had been taught that law, but offences created by 
the legislature, that is, by their masters, and no means 
taken to inform the slave of their existence or their penalty. 

The total exclusion of the testimony of a slave in all 
cases where a white man is concerned, is a great evil, and 
practically sets aside almost all the provisions made for the 
benefit of the slave. If, indeed, slaves be incompetent to 
give testimony, it ought not to be taken against each other. 
This is, however, always done, and from the absolute 
power of the whites over them, may be made the means 
of great injustice. The time was when the testimony of 



LETTER IV. 51 

Papists and Jews were not admitted. This resulted from 
a prejudice not more unreasonable than that which now 
excludes the testimony of the slave. At all events, in the 
absence of other competent testimony, that of slaves ought 
to be heard, even if it were left with the judge and jury to 
decide what weight should be given to it. 

It is difficult to account for the conduct of our fathers in 
establishing such a system of slavery. English villanage, 
then at an end, may in its general nature have been known 
to the colonists. They may have learned it from their 
histories and law books ; and we might naturally have 
supposed that in establishing a system of servitude, they, 
with their knowledge of personal rights, would at most 
have only revived in its mildest forms that system which 
their fathers had let go down. Had they so done, the 
very worst features of the present system would not have 
existed. To mention a few points: — 

Their villains or servants were with few exceptions at- 
tached to the soil; and if transferred at all, were trans- 
ferred with the soil on which they lived. Their habitations 
were fixed, and their children enjoyed the comforts pro- 
vided by the care and industry of their parents. 

The families lived together ; and the civil condition of 
the child followed that of the father, and not that of the 
mother, as in slavery among us. The master must be 
able to give legal evidence, which was the lawful marriage 
of the parties, that the child was the child of his man- 
servant. If he could not do this, the child was free. This 
encouraged lawful marriage, and secured the most im- 
portant rights growing out of it. It prevented separations. 
For children born out of lawful wedlock were free. And 
if the master violated the bed of his servant, said servant 
went out free. 

The testimony of the servant was good except against 
his own master ; and in various cases he had a plea or 
defence against him. 

The burden of proof that he was of right a servant, lay 
on the master. If the master could not prove his right in 
the servant, that he was the son of his man-servant born 
in lawful wedlock, (for that was the proper proof,) or pro- 
cured from those who could prove a right thus good, the 



52 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

servant went out free. The presumption was always on 
the side of the servant, on the side of natural right and 
equity, on the side of freedom ; and nothing but positive 
proof set that aside. 

These points, to which many others might be added, 
show the evil and hardship of our slave system, compared 
with English villanage. The advantage of villanage in 
protecting marriage, family relations, purity of morals, and 
domestic happiness, was incalculable. Our slaves have no 
legal marriage, no protection of family relations ; and yet 
all who are born of mothers who are slaves, are claimed 
as property and held as slaves by her owner : and that 
although the father may be a freeman, yea, a white man ; 
and what is still worse, the master himself, or his father, 
or brother, or son, and notwithstanding violence may have 
been used to accomplish his foul purpose. 

Yours, &c. 



53 



IiETTEH V. 

Christian Brethren, 

Slavery is involuntary servitude, or it may be denned, 
a claiming persons as property, holding them forcibly in 
bondage, and compelling them to serve without wages 
and that without any personal crime. 

That it is contrary to many of the fundamental princi- 
ples of our civil institutions, all must admit. It is, for in- 
stance, directly at variance with the principles laid down 
as self-evideiltly true in our declaration of independence. 
In it we declare that "we hold these truths to be self- 
evident, that all men are by nature equal, and that they 
were endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable 
rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness. To secure these, civil government was insti- 
tuted among men, deriving its just power from the con- 
sent of the governed. That whenever any form of govern- 
ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of 
the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new 
government. When a long train of abuses and usurpations 
pursuing the same object, evinces a design to reduce under 
absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to 
throw off such government, and provide new guards for 
their security." These principles respecting personal 
freedom, we are peculiarly bound to regard. No docu- 
ment has received more fully our assent, as respects our 
own rights. We ought equally to regard the same prin- 
ciples, when they relate to the rights of others. Few 
documents have been or are more read among us. It was 
sanctioned by our national and state legislatures ;* acted 

* "That all men are by nature equally free and independent, 
and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a 
state of society, they cannot by any compact deprive or divest 
their posterity: namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with 
the means of acquiring and possessing- property, and pursuing 
and obtaining- happiness and safety."— Article 1, Bill of Rights of 
Virginia. 

Most of the states, either in their constitutions or bills of rights, 
lav down the same principles. 

5* 



54 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY, 



upon in our contest with England ; and has been read and 
gloried in for half a century. 

Slavery is directly opposed to these self-evident truths ; 
is a forcible withholding from others those rights which 
we declared unalienable, which we contended for in our 
own case ; is doing systematically one of those things, to 
prevent which civil government was especially instituted. 

It is considered as a fundamental principle, that men 
should not be judges in their own case, when the rights of 
others are concerned. In slavery, however, the master is 
the sole judge, except in the case of life and death, in 
everything respecting the slave. The food and clothing- 
the nature, time, and degree of labour; the relations and 
connections, and all that concerns the comfort and happi- 
ness of the slave, are in the power of the master. 

It is a first principle that children are not to be punished 
tor the crimes, much less for the misfortunes of the pa- 
rent. But in slavery, the children of those who, so far 
from injuring their masters, have been labouring for them 
all their life long, are held in the same hard condition.— 
bee the last letter, as to the relation of the slave to his 
master, and to civil society generally. 

It will perhaps be said, that those principles, although 
politically true, are not of moral obligation; and that 
slavery, although contrary to them, is not contrary to na- 
tural or revealed religion, and therefore not morally wrong. 

It is my purpose to examine to some extent the teach- 
ing of scripture respecting slavery. On the argument from 
natural religion, or the law of nature, or the law of na- 
tions, as it is variously called, I shall say but little, and for 
the sufficient reason, that the shortest, and plainest, and 
only sure way of knowing what natural religion does 
teach, is to go to the Bible. However plainly moral and 
religious truth may be written on the works of nature, the 
history of the world proves that man is too blind to read 
it, until the light of revelation shines upon him. To leave 
the scriptures, and hunt after truth and duty from natural 
light, is, if not putting the light wholly out, and hunting 
ior objects in the dark, to turn from the light of the sun° 
and use a taper so dim as to make it exceedingly difficult in 
many cases to distinguish truth from error, or genuine 
from counterfeit. A few remarks, however, I will make 



LETTER V. 55 

The law of nature, or the principles of moral conduct 
discovered by the light of nature, and approved by reason, 
it is alleged, does not condemn slavery. Now it appears 
to me most manifest that it does. I can fix on few things 
which appear to me more opposed to natural equity, and 
justice, and reason, than forcibly holding our fellow-men 
in bondage, and compelling them to minister to our happi- 
ness at the expense of their own. To me it does appear, 
that life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, are, as de- 
clared by the fathers of our independence, endowments of 
nature, that are self-evidently unalienable. I would like 
to see a summary of truths admitted to be manifest by the 
light of nature, that are more plain than is the right which 
eve ry man has to liberty and the pursuit of happiness, 
until forfeited by crime. We know that life itself may be 
so forfeited by crime, that natural law or reason will ap- 
prove of its being taken away. The same may happen 
to any other right. I suspect that those who appeal to 
the law of nature as justifying slavery, have never gone 
carefully over its principles, and compared them with the 
unreasonableness and injustice of one rational creature 
beitiL r held as property by another, and compelled to minis- 
ter during lilf to his pleasure at the expense of his own. 

.Man'.- right of property is founded on his right to him- 
self, to the use of his faculties and limbs, and the pro- 
ducts of their labour. That men have a natural right to 
the fruit of their labour is so plain a proposition, that per- 
haps few will deny it. But slavery sets aside this right. 
To attempt to justify this by saying, the slave himself has 
been acquired as property, ami then taking the fruit of his 
labour is no longer unjust, is little better than a sophism, 
is changing the ground, but not answering the charge of in- 
justice. For how has the slave been acquired as property ? 
Did lie sell himself? In all just sales there must be a quid 
pro quo — a reasonable equivalent. But in the nature of 
the case, the slave could receive none. He can hold no 
propertv — he cannot seek his own happiness, and plainly 
no man of sound sense would sell himself into absolute 
slavery. If sold by another, the question returns, what 
right could that other have m him, what equivalent has he 
given, or could he give to the slave, for an absolute right 



56 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

to sell him, and keep the price for which he was sold? 
To say he owned the parents of said slave, will again al- 
low the question, what equivalent was rendered said pa- 
rents for a right of property in them ? and whatever right 
may have been acquired in the parent, what right in rea- 
son can that give to the claim of property in the child ?* 

But slavery is at variance with natural relations, and the 
duties growing out of them. The relation of husband and 
wife, of parent and child, are natural relations, and the 
first and most important relations among men. None are 
more intimate, none more binding, and none give rise to 
duties of higher obligation. But slavery controls and sets 
aside the whole of these at pleasure. It does not even 
recognize the marriage relation in the slave, although the 
first gift of the Creator to man. Although the man and 
wife are one, it separates them on the alleged claim of 
property. Their children, the fruit of their bodies, it 
claims on the same plea, and in disregard of the ties and 
rights of nature. It deprives the husband of the right to 
protect and cherish his wife, a part of himself; and the 
wife of the power of being obedient and faithful to her 
husband. It prevents the parents from performing their 
natural duties to their children, educating and providing 
for them : and it makes it impossible for the children to 
support and minister to their parents. This is wholly at 
variance with natural religion, and some of the first duties 
it enjoins on man towards his fellow man. 

But more : Slavery is at variance with the natural rela- 
tions we sustain to God, and the duties we owe him ; that 
we ought to love, and serve, and worship God, is a dictate 
of the light of nature. But the extent to which the master 
claims a right of property in the slave, and control over 
him, may be made to prevent his performing these natural 
duties. The slave may be kept ignorant of God, and his 
duty to him ; he may be allowed no time for religious 
duty ; he may forcibly be prevented; he may find it im- 
possible to avoid doing what is known to be wrong. 
Female slaves may be compelled to unclean living, by cir- 
cumstances from which they have no escape. Their tes- 

* See page 53, and note. 



LETTER V. 57 

limony is not received, and the power of punishment at 
pleasure is in the hands of the master. If this be not 
against natural religion, what is against it ? 

Most of the special references, which I have seen, to the 
law of nature on this subject, have been to that application 
of it, called the Law of Nations. And to me there has ap- 
peared in most cases a confounding of what the light of 
nature and the dictates of sound reason made it the duty 
of nations to do which is always right, with what in fact 
nations have done which is often wrong. Natural or na- 
tional law no doubt justifies self-defence; and so far as a 
just and necessary self-defence may require the injuring of 
another in person, rights, or property, it may justly be 
done; but it cannot justify us in going one hair's-breadth 
farther. It cannot justify an injury without a just cause, 
nor beyond its just claims. It may justify killing in self- 
defence, but only in that case. Slavery cannot be justified 
on the ground of self-defence. Nations or individuals may 
possibly, in prosecuting just claims, oblige others to ren- 
der various services ; but it must not be carried beyond 
the requirements of equity. To infer the moral right of 
nations or individuals to do things from the fact that others 
have done them, is not only to invert the rule of morals, 
but to destroy it. A thing on this supposition becomes 
right, not because agreeable to reason and equity, but sim- 
ply because others have done it. The worst crimes might, 
in this way, be justified. 

Nations, I admit, to a great extent have practised slave- 
ry ; but they have, to as great an extent, practised many 
other things which few will justify. They have prac- 
tised injustice ; they have oppressed each other. What 
civil wars have nations waged against nations? What 
sacking and burning of cities, and wasting of countries, and 
massacreing of prisoners? What butchering of inhabit- 
ants, and abuse of females ? None would for a moment 
infer that these things were agreeable to natural law, be- 
cause so common ! Many of those who acted thus, possi- 
bly justilied their doing so on the ground that these things 
were so often done. Others, disregarding or overlooking 
the natural injustice of the case, concluded that policy, pa- 



58 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

triotism, or glory required it; or revenge demanded it at 
their hands. 

Now, as a matter of fact, the ancients justified slavery 
on the same ground that they justified the above practices. 
It was to a great extent common to consider all as ene- 
mies with whom they had no special alliance, and equally 
common to consider it justifiable to spoil or kill, or take cap- 
tive and reduce to slavery, their enemies. Whether they 
had received any injury, had any just cause of complaint, 
was not the question ; but whether they were enemies, 
or persons with whom they had no special engagements 
to be friends? and where there was just cause of com- 
plaint, the limits of a just satisfaction were seldom re- 
garded. The more common practice was, to do injury to 
the utmost possible extent. These principles are wholly 
at variance with the law of nature and the principles of 
reason. 

From these monstrous perversions of the right of self- 
defence, they justified slavery. From the right of destroy- 
ing an enemy, they inferred the right of doing what they 
pleased with him ; if his life were spared, the right of en- 
slaving him — of selling him. But the right of enslaving an 
enemy, does not follow from the right of killing in self- 
defence. The very fact that he was not killed, but taken 
captive, proves that it was not necessary to kill him. And 
having spared him, the claims on him, if any just claims 
there be, ought to be exacted in a way consistent with na- 
tural justice and equity. 

Slavery is a state of things that is at variance with the 
above, and many other important principles of natural re- 
ligion. I infer, therefore, that natural religion is opposed 
to it, and gives no authority for reducing persons to that 
state, or continuing them in it. 

Yours, &e. 



59 



IiSTTEH VI. 



Christian Brethren, 

I now proceed to examine the teaching of Scripture, re- 
specting slavery. That Scripture often refers to slavery I 
readily admit ; but that it approves of it as morally right, 
I am satisfied is not the fact ; and I hope before I close my 
examination to adduce proof that will satisfy the candid 
and unprejudiced that the reverse is the case. That it 
will satisfy all, that it will satisfy those whose whole effort 
is to believe slavery not wrong, whose habits and preju- 
dices, and temporal interests, to the amount of thousands, 
are all on the side of slavery, is too much to expect. 
There is not a truth of politics, or morality, or religion, 
that has' not been disputed on similar grounds. 

It is, however, far from my purpose to charge any per- 
son with any more or any other bias on this matter, than 
naturally may have arisen from education, or resulted from 
having an interest on one side. We all know the power 
which early habits, and education, and example, exert on 
persons to reconcile them to some things and make them 
opposed to others. Every man who has listened to both 
sides of a case in controversy between his neighbours, 
every boy who has heard the disputes of his school-fel- 
lows, knows that people are greatly blinded and biassed by 
selfish feelings. A candid man will own that he is thus 
liable to see things in a light favourable to his own wishes 
and interests. So notorious is this fact, that in civil society 
almost universally, it is admitted that men ought not to be 
judges, nor even witnesses in their own case. Those who 
judge in a case in which they are interested, ought, if they 
would decide it, as the disinterested are sure to do, incline 
the scale a good deal more against themselves, than their 
interested views and feelings seem to require. 

This holds good as to slavery. Scripture passages 
which, to those interested or prejudiced, may seem to jus- 
tify slavery, may to the impartial appear most manifestly, 
either not to relate to the case, or come far short of justi- 
fying it ; while other passages, going to condemn it, whicli 
some may either overlook or explain away, may appear, as 



60 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

indeed they are, to the unbiassed, " confirmation strong as 
holy writ," that slavery is morally wrong. 

The extent to which their previous opinions influence 
persons as to the meaning of Scripture, is much greater, 
I apprehend, than most are aware of. ' The history of the 
past, and the state of things at present, furnishes ample 
proof of this. 

The change of the elements of bread and wine in the 
Lord's Supper, into the real body and blood of Christ by 
consecration — baptismal regeneration — the doctrine of Pur- 
gatory — masses for the dead — the supremacy of the Pope, 
with many such matters, received now only by the most 
thorough-going Papists, were immediately preceding the 
reformation, not only almost universally believed, but con- 
sidered as plainly taught in various passages of Scripture. 
We now are astonished that persons could be so blinded 
or biassed as to find in those Scriptures any support for 
said notions. 

While the reformers broke the spell which bound the 
public mind to these errors, and rescued the Scriptures 
from that strange perversion which gave them support ; 
we have ample proof in their history that other errors al- 
most as great, and other perversions of Scripture almost 
as manifest, escaped detection — yea, were advocated by 
those same men. All the reformers, almost without ex- 
ception, believed that heretical opinions ought to be forci- 
bly repressed, and that uniformity in matters of faith ought 
to be enforced, by the civil magistrate ; and considered 
this as fairly taught in various passages of Scripture. It 
would not be easy now to find the man who believes that 
persecution is really at all justified, much less enjoined by 
those passages. 

It requires but little observation to be satisfied that the 
great confidence which many sectarians have that they are 
right and all others wrong, depends much more on the 
bias of mind with which they read the Scriptures, than on 
the plainness of Scripture testimony in their favour. We 
refer to that portion of each party that is most sectarian, 
most confident that they are right, and all others wrong. 

The Episcopalian sees, it may be, in the office of the 
Apostles — in the use of the term Bishop — in the direc- 



LETTER VI. 61 

tion to Timothy and Titus, as well as in other passages, 
what fully satisfies him that Episcopacy was appointed to 
be the order of God's house, and at times his charity can- 
not find any excuses for the Presbyterian and Baptist, that 
will not partake more of wilful blindness than is at all 
seemly in pious people. On the other hand, the Presby- 
terian and Baptist see in the declaration of Christ that his 
disciples must not lord it over each other, in the promis- 
cuous and interchangable use of the terms Bishop and 
Presbyter, as also in the fact that there were a plurality of 
Bishops in the Apostolic churches, satisfactory evidence 
that Christ intended to leave but one standing order of 
ministers ; and some of them have just about as much dif- 
ficulty in stretching their charity to cover, if not the sins, 
yet the errors of their Episcopal brethren, as is found on 
the other side. 

The Baptist sees in the "much water" at Enon, where 
John baptized, and in the " going down into the water," 
and " coming up out of it," and in believing being placed 
before baptism in several passages, that baptism ought to 
be administered by immersion, and to none but adult per- 
sons ; and he is at times sorely tempted to believe that the 
Presbyterian, Episcopalian and Methodist are kept wrong, 
not so much from ignorance as other reasons even more 
criminal. 

The Presbyterian, Episcopalian and Methodist, on the 
other hand, find no difticulty in answering the arguments 
drawn from those passages ; and are, in their turn, not a 
little surprised that, in the symbolical nature of the ordi- 
nance, the application of the terms sprinkling and pouring 
to the things represented by baptism — in the circumstances 
in which the Apostles often administered that rite, together 
with the fact that children were expressly made church 
members under the Jewish dispensation, and not excluded 
under the Christian, and that household baptism was often 
practised by the Apostles — their Baptist brethren should not 
see that they themselves are in the wrong, both as to the 
subject and the mode of baptism. 

The Methodist thinks it strange that the Presbyterian 
and Baptist should believe in the doctrines of election and 
predestination, and that they do not see that falling from 

6 



62 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

grace is taught in the Scriptures. He is almost affrighted 
at the consequences which he supposes follow those doc- 
trines. 

The Presbyterian and Baptist, however, come forward 
stoutly in defence of their tenets; answer his reasoning, 
explain away his examples, and ply him with arguments 
and Scripture, until the field of debate is to him a field of 
tribulation. 

More illustration is useless. It will not be denied by 
the impartial, that in these and similar cases, the previous 
opinions with which the Scriptures are read, have a great 
influence in producing that confidence which many have, 
that Scripture is wholly on their side. The most tho- 
rough-going partisans are often persons who look almost 
wholly at those parts of Scripture that appear to favour 
their own opinions, and give little attention to those that 
are in favour of the other side. 

Now that there is very generally a predisposition to 
think slavery not wrong, and to rest for its justification on 
those passages of Scripture which make mention of it, is 
what we, from the state of things in which we are placed, 
might expect. Slavery is of long standing among us. It 
has prevailed more or less in all parts of our country; 
most of our fathers, including many of the best men in 
the community, have practised it. 

Mention is made in the Bible of servants : Abraham had 
servants, the Israelites had servants, and the New Testa- 
ment speaks of servants, and commands them to be obe- 
dient to their masters; and without looking farther, or 
examining what is said on the other side, many, and I be- 
lieve the generality of slave-holders, take it for granted 
that it is not wrong. Here is education, parental example, 
general custom, personal interest, love of ease and abso- 
lute authority — all on one side ; and under their influence 
we might expect that those Scriptures would be found 
which appeared to justify slavery, and that these alone 
would be quoted. This in fact is found to be the case ; 
and those portions on which its morality really depends, 
are almost entirely overlooked.* 

* I have known professors of religion express great surprise, on 
having such passages as Ex. xxi. 26, Deut. xxiii. 15, Jer. xxxiv. 



LETTER VI. 63 

Perhaps nine-tenths of those who have at all referred to 
Scripture on this matter, have felt satisfied that there was 
nothing wrong in slavery, on finding that Abraham had 
servants, that the Israelites had servants, and that servants 
are mentioned in the New Testament. Now for these 
cases to prove that slavery as practised among us, is not 
wrong, the following things ought to be certain: — 1. That 
those servants were slaves. 2. That those who held them 
have the approbation of Scripture for so doing. 3. That 
their example really justifies us in the slavery we practise. 
I am greatly mistaken, however, if all of these can be 
made to appear. 

That servants are mentioned in Scripture, we readily 
admit. But we all know that there are various kinds of 
servants. There are Jhired servants, and bound servants, 
and bought servants, who are to serve for a few years ; as 
well as slaves who are made to serve for life. The Eng- 
lish convicts and the redemptioners, formerly brought to 
this country, were sold for a time. Persons may now be 
sold for servants under the vagrant law. 

The words mostly used to designate servants,* in the 
Scripture, express all kinds of servants. They include 
slaves, when there are any, as one condition of servants ; 
but also include the hireling, bound, and bought for a 
limited time. The question is not about the morality of 
servitude generally ; the morality of having hired, or 
bound, or even Bervants bought for a limited period ; none 
question this. The question is about the morality of 
slavery ; the holding them forcibly in perpetual bondage, 
with their children. Now to say Abraham and the Israelites 
had servants, and the New Testament speaks of servants, 
without showing that they were slaves, does not prove the 
moral right of slavery. We will have occasion to show 
hereafter that in most if not all the cases noticed in Scrip- 
ture, even where there was a kind of slavery, it was very 
different from that practised among us. 

8 — 22, quoted to them. They had never noticed them. And I may 
add that I have known preachers, after conversing 1 and referring to 
Scripture, confess that they thought there were many more and 
plainer passages of Scripture in favour of slavery, than they could, 
on trial, find. 

* See Letter XIII. 



64 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

But the second point is not more clear than the first — 
whether in case the patriarchs did practise slavery, they 
were right in so doing. It is one thing for Scripture to 
state what they did, and another thing to approve of it. 
The Scripture mentions the drunkenness of Noah — the in- 
cest of Lot — the concubinage of Abraham — the polygamy 
of Jacob — the murder and adultery of David, with many 
such things ; but we do not therefore infer that these things 
were morally right. The Scripture relates facts both bad 
and good, on the same general principle that all faithful 
history does ; but it furnishes us, in the law and moral pre- 
cepts, with ample means of judging of their moral charac- 
ter. Now to take it for granted that slavery is not wrong, 
because we find that the patriarchs and others may possi- 
bly have practised it, is wholly inadmissible. To ascertain 
whether it was right or wrong, we ought to try it by the 
moral law, and the precepts that point out the duties of 
man towards man. 

But the third thing may well be objected to. It does 
not follow that we may without sin do everything that may, 
perhaps, without much sin, have been done by persons in 
ancient times. We have much more light than they had. 
We have the Bible containing the written law — many lived 
before that book was written. The relation we sustain to 
each other, and the duties thence arising, are made, per- 
haps, a hundred fold more plain to us than they were to 
them. They may, through ignorance, have done things, 
without much sin, which if we do, with this book in our 
hands, will exclude us from the kingdom of God. 

The Apostles declared in their day, that the " past times 
of ignorance God winked at, but then commanded all men 
everywhere to repent." The increase of doctrinal light 
respecting salvation through Christ, we know was very 
gradual. The same appears to have been the case as to 
moral light and duty. 

There were many things practised in ancient times, and 
by pious men, which if practised by professors of religion 
now, we would think wholly inconsistent with real reli- 
gion. Polygamy, concubinage and divorce were very com- 
mon in the church. The sacking of cities, and the butchery 
of prisoners are mentioned as things of common occur- 



LETTER VI. 65 

rence. It was common, in war, to kill all the males, and 
frequently even the females were destroyed. It does not 
follow that these things are right, and may be done now, 
although performed by Moses, and Joshua, and David, and 
many other great and good men. 

The morality of slavery must be judged of by comparing 
it with the moral law, that eternal and immutable rule of 
right and wrong ; and this law appears to me most clearly 
to condemn it. We have our duty to our fellow men sum- 
med up in love to them — »« Thou shalt love thy neighbour 
as thyself." Our Lord himself gives us a practical view 
of this in the following words : " In all things whatsoever 
ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to 
them ; for this is the Law and the Prophets." 

Now to me few things are more plain than that slavery 
is inconsistent with this rule — is at war with its spirit, and 
irreconcilable with it. Let a person but form a correct 
idea of what slavery is. It is an involuntary and forced 
condition. It is claiming persons as property, holding 
them forcibly in bondage, and compelling them to serve 
without wages, retaining them and their children in that 
condition, and all for no crime. If this be consistent with 
loving them as ourselves — if it be in the spirit of doing as 
we would be done by, then I am altogether mistaken. 

To attempt to evade the force of this plain rule, by sup- 
posing an extreme case — such as a criminal desiring us to 
favour his escape from merited punishment, is wholly un- 
fair ; and the man who reveres God's law ought never to 
do it. It is on all hands admitted that by crime, we may 
forfeit all our rights, and free others frum the obligation of 
regarding them. A man may forfeit his liberty, and even 
his lite, by personal crimes ; and make it no breach of the 
law of love in those who deprive him of either. The case 
of slavery is wholly different. No personal crimes have 
changed the relations of the slave to his fellow men, and 
forfeited that love and kindness from them which our na- 
tures oblige us to desire for ourselves, and the law of God 
commands us to have to each other. 

The rule is one of the plainest that can be named. 
Every man carries it in his own bosom. Self-love is com- 
mon to all men — is a part of our nature — is in constant 



66 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

operation — and no man can for a moment doubt whether 
slavery does not appear to him a great evil, and liberty, 
and the right of pursuing his own happiness, a great and 
most desirable good. 

No rule that could be given man is of so easy and gen- 
eral an application. There are few if any cases in life, in 
which the rule cannot in a moment be applied ; and that 
with an immediate decision as to what we ought to do. 
We need but make the case our own, and in the fear of 
that God who knows our hearts, and has made our self- 
love the measure of our duty to our fellow men, ask what 
we would have others do to us ; and were we to admit that 
there are cases in which we might be at a loss to decide 
w T hat self-love would choose or refuse, yet, most clearly, 
slavery is not one of that kind. Next to life itself and 
the necessary means of its subsistence, there is, perhaps, 
nothing in existence that men more universally desire than 
freedom. In a case where self-love in all mankind is so 
distinct in its likings and dislikings, and so importunate in 
its demands, it is disingenuous to attempt to evade it, and 
perplex the question by supposing cases of doubtful char- 
acter. 

I am aware that some explain the above law as relating 
to the conduct of man to man, in the relations they may 
sustain to each other ; but suppose it must not be applied 
to the relations themselves. Where the relations are re- 
ally natural and lawful, I admit that the remark holds good, 
but not otherwise. Suppose that a relation is really wrong 
— that it involves manifest injustice and injury to one party 
for the benefit of the other, would not the law of love for- 
bid it ? Most assuredly it would. What other law is there 
than the moral law to forbid immoral and unjust relations? 
The law of love is the substance of the whole moral law, 
and forbids all that is contrary to it. 

That the relation of master and servant, generally con- 
sidered, has nothing wrong in it — -and when filled with the 
consent and for the mutual benefit of both parties, has the 
approbation of the law, I fully admit. This, however, is 
manifestly not the case with slavery. Slavery is the un- 
natural and unlawful condition of servitude ; and like the 
unlawful condition of any other lawful thing, marriage or 



LETTER VI. 67 

government, for instance, is a violation of the lav/ of love, 
and therefore sinful. 

We have in Scripture various views of the law of love 
and its actings towards ourselves and others. The impor- 
tance of the point we are discussing, will justify us in spe- 
cifying several of these, and noticing their disagreement 
with slavery. 

" Love seeketh not her own." Self-love seeks our own. 
But we are to love others as we love ourselves. Self-love 
is to be the measure of our love to others. The love, then, 
which the law requires ns to have to others must lead us 
to promote their welfare, as self-love leads us to seek our 
own. 

Now slavery is irreconcilable with this requirement of 
the law. To hold another forcibly in bondage, and compel 
him, without reward, to minister to our ease or comfort, is 
a self-seeking, at the expense of others. The slave-holder 
may more or less regard the comfort of those whom he 
holds in bondage ; but if he regarded their interests and 
happiness as he does his own, and that is what the law 
requires, would he forcibly prevent them from seeking 
their own happiness, in the way that might to them appear 
best? It is undeniable that the supposed ease or comfort 
or profit of the slave-holder, and that more or less at the 
expense of the slave, is the usual object of the slave-holder. 
The extent to which these may be sought at the expense 
of the slave may be greater or less, and of course greater 
or less injustice may attend it; that, however, is inciden- 
tal to it, and not the point directly before us. The prin- 
ciple of slavery, the compelling others to minister to our 
ease or profit at the expense of their own, is a self-seeking, 
which, in its spirit, is contrary to that love that " seeketh 
not her own." 

It is said that " love worketh no ill to his neighbour, 
therefore love is the fulfilling of the law." 

With this view of the law of love, slavery, as appears 
to me, is clearly inconsistent. To be claimed as property, 
to be held forcibly in bondage, and compelled to serve 
without wages, is felt by all to be one of the greatest ills 
men can suffer. All men so view it in their own case. So 
universally has slavery been considered as an ill, as hard 



68 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

dealing of man to man, that reasons have ever been thought 
needful to justify it. Persons have been reduced to slavery 
for real or supposed crimes — enemies and prisoners have 
been reduced to slavery, on the supposition that such per- 
sons might lawfully be treated in that way. 

Now it is no less an ill to be born in slavery, held be- 
cause the parent was a slave, than to be reduced to it : 
and considered as treatment at the hand of their fellow 
men, it may be worse. The man reduced to slavery 
may in part have deserved it, but this cannot be said of 
his children. Bondage for life is so great an ill, that few 
crimes are thought to deserve it. It is in some respects 
worse than death. Now to inflict this ill on the unoffend- 
ing children of those who have during life been minister- 
ing to the profit and comfort of their owners, is surely- 
hard dealing. The spirit of the law forbids rendering evil 
for evil ; but here is worse, here is rendering evil for 
good. 

The law requiring us to do to others as we would have 
them do to us, does fairly forbid us doing to them what 
we would not have them do to us. 

Now, of all things, we would oppose being reduced to 
slaverv, We would consider it the greatest evil men 
could do to us. We are then bound by the plain spirit of 
the precept, not to do to others what we would think so 
hard if done to ourselves. We are to make our own views 
and feelings respecting rights, the measure of our doings 
towards others. If we knew not the worth of personal 
rights, if we cared nothing about them, the rule would 
have less application. But we know them, and highly 
prize them, and of course are under peculiar obligation to 
respect them in others. 

The rule of doing as we would be done by, is so plain 
that all understand it; and so agrees with the natural judg- 
ments of the mind and dictates of conscience, that all 
men feel its propriety. And although they may violate it 
themselves, yet they are almost sure to see and condemn 
its violation in others. On this ground it is that the con- 
tinuance of slavery among us, notwithstanding the prin- 
ciples we avowed, and the part we acted when our own 
rights were endangered, is so generally condemned among 



LETTER VI. 69 

the nations of Europe. And while the natural judgments 
of the mind remain the same, we will be censured for our 
inconsistency. 

Before leaving this branch of the subject, allow me to 
quote a few more passages which give similar views of the 
law of love, as the rule of moral conduct. — " The fruit of 
the Spirit is in all goodness and righteousness and truth. 
Be ye kind one to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one 
another, even as God for Christ's sake hath forgiven you. 
Walk in love, as Christ also hath loved us, and gave him- 
self for us." 

Many passages relate more directly to the conduct en- 
joined on us towards our fellow men. 

"To do good and communicate, forget not, for with 
such sacrifices God is well pleased. Let us, as we have 
opportunity, do good to all men. Let every one of us 
please his neighbour for his good to edification. For even 
Christ pleased not himself. Let no man seek his own, 
but every man another's wealth. Bear ye one another's 
burdens, and so fulfil the law of Christ. Look not every 
man at his own things, but every man also at the things 
of others. If a brother or sister be naked and destitute of 
daily food, and one of you say, Depart in peace, be ye 
warmed and filled; notwithstanding ye give them not 
those things that are needful for the body, what doth it 
profit \ But whoso hath this world's good, and seeth his 
brother have need, and shutteth up his bowels of compas- 
sion from him, how dwelleth the love of God in him? 
Let us not love in word, neither in tongue, but in deed 
and in truth. And hereby we know that we are of the 
truth, and shall assure our hearts before him." 

These passages, to which thousands might be added, are 
but various unfoldings of the law of love, as the rule of 
duty towards our fellow men. Their whole tendency ap- 
pears to me to be opposed to involuntary servitude. All 
men consider freedom as a good, and slavery as an evil. 
The whole tenor of those precepts is to enjoin doing 
good, and not evil, to our fellow men. We are to do 
good to all. The good which the slave especially wants, 
is to be restored to freedom, to his natural rights. We 
are to look on the things of others, and to bear their 



70 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

burdens. It implies looking on the hard condition of the 
slave, and removing his burdens. 

It ought to be remarked that the rule of moral duty given 
in God's word, requires us to carry our love and kindness 
so far as to render good for evil, love for hatred, and bless- 
ing for cursing. 

" I say unto you that hear, love your enemies, do good 
to them that hate you, bless them that curse you, and 
pray for them that despitefully use you and persecute you. 
And unto him that smiteth thee on the one cheek, offer 
also the other : and him that taketh away thy cloak forbid 
not to take thy coat also. Bless them that persecute you ; 
bless and curse not. Be not overcome with evil, but over- 
come evil with good." 

We are taught in these and similar passages, that it is 
our duty to bear patiently the evils which we may meet 
with at the hands of our fellow men, and in return to do 
to them only good. We are to do good to all, as well the 
bad as the good ; we are to love all our enemies as well as 
friends, and thus follow the example of God, "who is 
kind to the unthankful and evil," and of Christ, who, when 
he suffered, "committed himself to him that judgeth righ- 
teously." 

I see not how the spirit and tenor of these precepts can 
agree with slavery, that hard dealing of man towards man. 

I may here briefly remark that this last class of texts 
furnish a consistent and satisfactory explanation of those 
passages which enjoin it on servants to obey their mas- 
ters. Some have strongly inferred from these passages 
that slavery was not wrong. It shows how ready people 
are to grasp at anything that in appearance may justify 
what they wish to practise. Those passages relate to the 
duty of servants, and not to that of the master, and of 
course are not the passages from which the duty of the 
master is to be learned. The class of Scriptures last 
quoted, proves that duties are enjoined which yet none of 
our fellow men have a right to exact of us. It is our duty 
to render good for evil. Our fellow men, however, have 
no right to exact it of us. We are commanded to pray for 
those who despitefully use us and persecute us ; but said 
persecutors have no just claim on us so to do. If we are 



LETTER VI. 71 

smitten on the one cheek, we are to turn the other ; and 
we are not to withhold our coat from him that has taken 
our cloak; but God's command to us, neither justifies the 
smiter or the robber, or in the least lessens his guilt in 
what he does. As a branch of the general duty of meek- 
ness and patience, and rendering good for evil, servants 
are commanded to bear patiently the hardships of their lot, 
and to obey their masters, even the froward and injurious; 
but it does not follow that the master's claim is just, or 
that his whole conduct to the servant may not be a violation 
of the law of love. I before observed that the word rendered 
servant in those places, is to be taken in its general sense, 
so as to include all conditions of servants. Of course it is 
the general condition that is properly referred to; and it 
has nothing to do with justifying slavery, the unlawful 
condition of servitude. To this I must add the fact which 
will appear hereafter, that that condition of servitude called 
slavery, is repeatedly called oppression, heavy burdens, 
yoke, cruel and hard bondage. These terms imply that 
it is wrong. An oppressor evidently is an evil-doer. God 
has expressed his hatred of oppression, and declared he 
will break the rod of the oppressor, and be the refuge of 
the oppressed. 

Yours, <fec. 



72 



LETTEH. VXT. 



Christian Brethren, 

In my last letter I proved that the law of love, and the 
rule of doing as we would be done by, do condemn slavery. 
Various attempts, however, have been made so to explain, 
or limit, or qualify these rules, as to make them permit 
slavery. A full account of these explanations would form 
a curious article. This I will not attempt, but select se- 
veral of the most imposing. 

Some allege that Scripture does, both by precept and 
example, permit slavery ; and that therefore the law of love 
and rule of doing as we would be done by, must be so ex- 
plained as to agree with said permission, and not set it 
aside. They argue, that had it been morally wrong, 
Scripture would not have permitted it; and the moral law 
being immutably the same, what it did not condemn as 
morally wrong formerly, cannot be wrong now. Others, 
considering the argument from the patriarchal and Jewish 
dispensations as not applicable to the state of things in 
which we are placed, lay but little stress on it ; but think 
they find in the notices of servitude in the New Testament, 
and in the relations which the church now sustains to civil 
government, such a limitation of the law of love, and the 
rule of doing as we would be done by, as lets slavery- 
alone. These two plans embrace most that can be said in 
justification of slavery as a moral question. 

That the Scriptures are consistent with themselves, I 
not only admit, but maintain; and my main reasons for 
believing slavery morally wrong, is found in its opposition 
to the very spirit of the moral law ; that the law of love 
and rule of doing as we would be done by, do, in their 
plain, straight-forward, and common sense meaning, con- 
demn slavery, is to me one of the plainest cases that can 
be named. Now, if there be another class of Scripture 
passages that justify it, certainly a difficulty is presented of 
a very serious nature. It ought not to be taken for granted, 
nor even admitted, until those passages are carefully exa- 
mined, together with all the other passages that may throw 
light on the case, and the fact be ascertained. We ought 



LETTER VII. 73 

to treat the case just as we treat other cases, when Scrip- 
ture appears, or is alleged, to contradict Scripture, and I 
doubt not it will appear that those passages admit of ex- 
planations consistent with the moral law. 

It ought to be recollected, that while the moral law is 
the same as a rule of duty, the extent to which its princi- 
ples have been unfolded and carried out, is much greater 
under the New Testament than under the Old Testament. 
This holds good of many parts of religious truth. The 
ancient saints were saved through Christ; yet they had 
much less light as to his character and salvation than we 
enjoy. In doctrine, we explain the dark passages of the 
Old, by the more luminous passages of the New Testa- 
ment. We ought to do so in morals, and it would not be 
more absurd to leave the doctrinal light of the New Testa- 
ment, and regulate our faith by the Old Testament, than to 
do so in morals. Had the patriarchs enjoyed the moral 
light we do, they would not have practised polygamy and 
divorce, nor do I suppose they would have practised 
slavery. It may, indeed, on good grounds, be doubted, 
as will appear hereafter, whether the patriarchs and pious 
Jews did practise slavery, properly so called. The Jew- 
ish law most certainly contained various limitations and 
offsets against absolute slavery. 

That the Old Te&tament, when fairly construed, does 
really condemn slavery, and did design to prevent it, will 
appear manifest, I think, from the following considerations. 
Moral duty was enjoined on the Jews, as of much higher 
obligation than ceremonial. 

" The Lord your God is God of gods, and Lord of lords. 
A great God, a mighty and a terrible ; which regardeth not 
persons nor taketh reward, lie doth execute the judg- 
ment of the fatherless and widows, and loveth the stranger 
in giving him food and raiment. Love ye therefore the 
stranger, for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. 
Thou shalt not oppress the stranger, for ye know the 
heart of a stranger, for ye were strangers in the land of 
Egypt. If a stranger sojourn with you in your land, ye 
shall not vex him. But the stranger that dwelleth with 
you, shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou 
shalt love him as thyself: for ye were strangers in the 
7 



74 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

land of Egypt. Bring no more vain oblations. Incense 
is an abomination unto me ; your new moons and your 
appointed feasts my soul hateth ; they are a trouble unto 
me ; I am weary to bear them. Wash you, make you 
clean ; put away the evil of your doings from before mine 
eyes. Cease to do evil; learn to do well: seek judgment, 
relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the 
widow. Go and learn what that meaneth," said our Lord, 
" I will have mercy and not sacrifice." And in the fol- 
lowing passage the Jews are charged with inverting the 
proper order of things, and neglecting the most important. 
" Ye tithe mint and rue and all manner of herbs, and pass 
over the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, 
and faith ; these ought ye to have done, and not to leave 
the other undone. "* 

Here we have the law of love not only brought forward 
in many forms, but laid down in the same words used in 
the New Testament. It was to be their rule of duty towards 
the stranger, as well as towards their own people. Its 
observance was enforced on them again and again, by re- 
ferring to their former slavery in Egypt ; their affliction 
and sorrow of heart while forcibly held in that condition. 
44 Ye know the heart of a stranger, for ye were strangers 
in the land of Egypt. Ye were Pharaoh's bond-men, and 
the Lord delivered you, therefore I command you this 
thing." Bent. xv. 15. 

If this be not substantially an application of the law of 
love, and the rule of doing as they would be done by, to 
the case of slavery, then I know not what it is. 

The sins most frequently condemned in Scripture, the 
crimes for which Israel was most frequently punished, 
the conduct against which God declares himself most op- 
posed, and about which most is said, are violations of the 
moral law, and a large portion of them is conduct of man 
towards man. He must have read the Scripture to little 
purpose, who has not observed this. Thousands of pas- 
sages could be adduced in proof of it. The following is a 
sample : — 

44 The children of Israel sighed by reason of the bon- 

* Deut. x. Ex. xxii. 23. Isaiah i. Mat. xxiii. 23. 



LETTER VII. 75 

dage ; and they cried, and their cry came up to God by 
reason of their bondage. I have seen the oppression 
wherewith the Egyptians oppress them, and have come 
down to deliver them. So I returned and considered ail 
the oppressions that are done under the sun: and I beheld 
the tears of the oppressed, and they had no comforter: 
and on the side of the oppressor there was power, but 
they had no comforter. — If thou seest the oppression of 
the poor, and violent perverting of judgment and justice in 
a province, marvel not at the matter ; for He that is higher 
than the highest regardeth, and there be higher than they. 
— If a man be just, and do that which is lawful and right; 
hath not oppressed any ; hath spoiled none by violence ; 
hath executed true judgment between man and man ; he 
shall surely live. If he beget a son that is a robber ; that 
hath oppressed the poor and needy ; hath spoiled by vio- 
lence : he shall surely die. So if he beget a son that 
seeth his father's sins, and doeth not such like ; neither 
hath oppressed any ; neither hath spoiled by violence ; 
hath taken off his hand from the poor: he shall live. — 
Is not this the fast that I have chosen : to loose the bands 
of wickedness, to undo heavy burdens, to let the oppressed 
go free, and that ye break every yoke."* 

These passages, to which hundreds could be added, con- 
demn all oppression. In a number of them slavery is di- 
rectly referred to. The slavery of Israel is expressly called 
oppression, aflliction, burdens, yoke, bondage, &c. and in 
Isaiah (lviii. 6) God expressly states the duty of letting 
slaves go out free, in opposition to holding them in bon- 
dage, which is called oppression, heavy burdens, yoke, &c. 

Now I feel authorized to say that it will require very 
plain and explicit passages to prove that slavery was not 
considered as morally wrong, when the whole force of the 
above and similar passages prove that it was. 

It will not be enough to find passages that mention sla- 
very : passages can be found that mention many sinful 
practices. It must be shown that the practice was ap- 
proved. It is not sufficient to adduce passages that speak 



* Ex. ii. 23, iii. 9. Eccles. iv. 1, v. 8. Ezekiel xviii. 5—17. 
Isaiah lviii. 6. 



76 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

of good men as having servants. It must be shown that 
they held them in slavery, and are approved for so doing. 
It is past dispute, that immoral things are mentioned in 
Scripture of many good men. The drunkenness of Noah, 
the incest of Lot, the concubinage and polygamy of Abra- 
ham and Jacob, &c. are examples. These things were 
not the less sinful because done by good men. They are 
related as facts ; we are left to judge of their right or wrong 
by the moral law, and those many portions of Scripture 
that relate to moral conduct. 

Let us now notice the various kinds of servitude spoken 
of in Scripture, and the limitations and checks which pre- 
vented slavery, properly so called. 

For some kinds of crime, persons were reduced to ser- 
vitude. 

" If a man steal a sheep or an ox, and kill it or sell it, 
he shall restore five oxen for an ox and four sheep for a 
sheep. If he have nothing to pay, he shall be sold for 
his theft." 

Servitude might originate from poverty. 

" If thy brother that dwelleth by thee be waxen poor, 
and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel him to serve 
as a bond-man, but as a hired servant. If a man sell his 
daughter to be a handmaid." 

Or from prisoners taken in war. 

" When thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it, 
then proclaim peace unto it. If it make thee answer of 
peace, all the people therein shall be tributaries unto thee ; 
if it will make no peace, thou shalt smite every male, but 
the women and little ones shalt thou take unto thyself." 

Or by purchase from the heathen. 

" Thy bond-men and thy bond-maids which thou shalt 
have, shall be of the heathen that are round about thee. 
Of them shalt thou buy bond-men and bond-maids ; ye 
shall take them, as an inheritance, for your children after 
you, to inherit them for a possession, and they shall be 
your bond-men for ever."* 

Some would add, those born in the house of maid-ser- 
vants, and quote Ex. xxi. 4 — 11. I doubt whether that 

* Ex. xxi. 7. Deut. xxii. 1. Deut. xx. 14. Lev. xxv. 44. 



LETTER VII. 77 

passage, or any other, proves that point. It bears, I think, 
a consistent interpretation which gives no support to that 
opinion. It will, however, be noticed in its place. 

The above passages speak of a kind of servitude. The 
following laws were designed to limit it, or open a door of 
freedom to those in bondage. 

" He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be 
found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death." Ex. 
xxi. 16. 

This passage made it death to steal a person and sell 
him, or be found in possession of one thus deprived of 
freedom. Stealing has ever been a fruitful source of sla- 
very. It is on good authority believed, that one-half of the 
negroes brought from Africa were stolen. 

" If a man smite the eve of his servant or the eye of his 
maid, that it perish, he shall let him go out free for his 
eye's sake. If he smite out his man-servant's tooth or 
his maid-servant's tooth, he shall let him go out free for 
his tooth's sake." Ex. xxii. 26. 

This law gave protection against severe and cruel usage. 
If it did not always prevent it, it made amends for it by 
restoring to freedom. 

" Thou shalt not deliver to his master the servant that is 
escaped from his master to thee. He shall dwell with thee, 
even among thee, in the place that he shall choose in one 
of thy gates, where it pleaseth him best; thou shalt not 
oppress him." Deut. xxiii. 15. 

This forbids them to force back to bondage those that 
fled from it. It recognized the principle that every man 
has a better right to liberty, unless forfeited by crime, than 
another can have to withhold it from him, and it forbid 
their giving aid to deprive a fellow creature of that right. 
It evidently appealed to their own case. 

They had been in slavery — felt its evils, and fled from it. 
An attempt was made to force them back to bondage. God 
by a miracle delivered them, and smote the oppressor, and 
commands them to give no aid in preventing the escape of 
others from a situation which had been so galling to them- 
selves. 

This law may mainly have had in view the servants that 
fled to them from neighbouring states. It prevented them 






78 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 



from restoring such, and from entering into any mutual en- 
gagement for that purpose, and of course it must be ex- 
pected that neighbouring states would adopt a similar prac- 
tice towards them ; and when we consider how small the 
land of Canaan was, and how surrounded with other tribes, 
it must be seen that this law tended to prevent slavery. A 
place could hardly be found in Canaan, from which a slave 
could not, in a night and a day, reach some heathen tribe; 
and, when there, he would, from the natural operation of 
this law, be safe. 

I see not, however, that we have any authority to con- 
fine its operation to slaves of heathen masters. The law 
itself makes no such distinction ; and as to the matter of 
fact, a Moabite, or an Amorite, or a Philistine might have 
as good a right to his slave as an Israelite could have to 
his. He may have taken him in war, or bought, or raised 
him. It is, however, undeniable that, in their case, the 
law forbid restoring the servant, and fairly implied the duty 
of protecting him. There was therefore nothing morally 
wrong in the case, nor would there be in applying the rule 
to the slaves of their brethren. Let any one compare this 
law with the following article in the Constitution of the 
United States, relating to fugitive slaves. 

" No person held to service or labour in one state, under 
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- 
quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labour ; but shall be delivered up on 
claim of the partv to whom such service or labour may be 
due." 

" Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that 
is escaped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with 
thee, even among you, in the place which he shall choose 
in one of thy gates where it liketh him best ; thou shalt 
not oppress him." 

These two laws are the opposite of each other. The 
one is in favour of liberty, and the other of slavery. The 
law of Moses was binding on all the tribes and people of 
Israel. 

The Jewish government, as organized under Moses, 
was a confederacy. Each tribe had its distinct organiza- 
tion and its reserved powers. In their associated capacity, 
they formed a general government, for general and specific 



LETTER VII. 79 

purposes. There is a striking resemblance between them 
and our own confederacy, leaving out the theocratic part. 

Now had the above law of Moses been inserted in the 
Constitution of the United States, instead of the one placed 
there, it would have done much to do away slavery. It 
would have liberated thousands. It would have put an 
end to the system. It was designed and did operate thus 
in Israel. 

" Thou shalt hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liber- 
ty throughout all the land to all the inhabitants thereof." 
Levit. xxv. 10. 

Here we have a law that expressly gave liberty to all 
every fifty years. 

" If thy brother, an Hebrew man or an Hebrew woman, 
be sold unto thee, and serve thee six years, then in the 
seventh year thou shalt let him go out free from thee : and 
thou shalt not let him go away empty. Thou shalt furnish 
him liberally out of thy floek and out of thy floor and out 
of thy wine-press — and thou shalt remember that thou wast 
a bond-man in Egypt, and the Lord thy God redeemed 
thee, therefore I command thee this thing to-day." Deut. 
xv. 12. 

This law, giving freedom to the Hebrew servant at the 
end of mx years, did in fact apply to all that the law al- 
lowed them to retain among them, as the following things 
go to prove : — 

It was a part of the covenant of circumcision which the 
Jews considered as peculiarly binding, that all their ser- 
vants were to be circumcised. '• lie that is born in the house 
and he that is bought with money of any stranger, must 
needs be circumcised — the uncircumcised shall be cut off." 
(it, i. xvii. 12 — 14. 

This expressly embraced all those born at home, and 
those obtained from abroad. 

The consequence of an adult servant refusing to be cir- 
cumcised, and become a member of the congregation of the 
Lord, is stated; and shows that he acted freely in the case 
— '■'the I'ncircumcised shall be cut oJ/" >, ' : — separated, be- 
come an alien to said community. 

"GJ (Neker) the word rendered cut off, is the same that is just 
above rendered stranger; and it plainly means that those bought 



80 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

By the covenant of which circumcision was the token, 
Israel formed a religious community, and stood engaged to 
keep all God's commandments. It was to them in this 
character, that the land of Canaan was given, many spe- 
cial promises made, and laws and precepts enjoined. 
Those who refused the token of God's covenant, and de- 
clined engaging to keep all God's commands, were to be 
separated from that people. The law of circumcision 
operated as a limitation law. Israel were neither to inter- 
marry with the uncircumcised, nor were they to have them 
as servants, to endanger their morals and religion. 

This construction of the law respecting circumcision, to 
which a fair examination of all the laws bearing on the 
case leads, is confirmed by the declaration of Maimonides, 
one of the most distinguished of the Jewish Rabbis. 

" Whether a servant be born in the house of an Israelite, 
or whether he be purchased from a heathen, the master 
must bring them both into the covenant. But he that is 
born in the house, is to be entered on the eighth day, and 
he that is bought with money, on the day he receiveth him, 
unless he be unwilling. For if the master receive a grown 
slave, and he be unwilling, his master is to bear with him, 
to seek to win him by instruction, and by love and kind- 
ness for one year. After which, should he refuse, it is 
forbidden to keep him longer than twelve months : and his 
master must send him back to the stranger from whom he 
came : for the God of Jacob will not accept any other than 
the worship of a willing heart." Quoted from Stroud. 

Moses, in giving the laws of the Passover, refers to this 
law as in existence, and to be observed. " Every man 
servant that is bought with money when thou hast circum- 
cised him, then he shall eat thereof: a foreigner or a hired 
servant shall not eat thereof. For no uncircumcised person 
shall eat thereof." Ex. xii. 44. 

The obligation here to circumcise the bought servant, 
and cause him to eat the Passover, which is not named 
respecting the foreigner and hired servant, agrees with the 
above explanation of the law. They were not forbidden 

of other people, should be united to Israel by being circumcised ; 
and that any neglecting or refusing to be circumcised, should be 
strangers to this community — separated from it. 



LETTER VII. 81 

to employ a foreigner or a hireling, or entertain him as a 
sojourner: such cases would usually be but for a short 
time ; but if they bought and introduced into their fami- 
lies, strangers, they must limit themselves to those, who 
would renounce idolatry and embrace the true religion. 
The case agrees perfectly with the laws, regulations and 
chances, having in view to prevent them from mingling 
and forming alliances with idolaters. Had they been al- 
lowed to have among them a body of servants who profess- 
ed not the true religion, it could not have failed to endan- 
ger their morals and religion. Absolute slavery never fails 
to corrupt the morals of a people. 

Now, the consequence of their servant's professing the 
true religion, and being circumcised, was that they became 
as those born in the land — as the Israelites themselves. 
This is plainly and repeatedly stated. " One law and one 
custom and one manner shall be to the home-born and to 
the stranger: as ye are so shall the stranger be before the 
Lord."* 

This law, by its plain straight-forward operation, placed 
the heathen servant, when circumcised, on equal footing 
with the Hebrew servant: and of course he would go out 
free, by the limitation law, and could not be held to serve 
more than six years. 

This would be the most natural meaning of these laws, 
were nothing else said that bore on the case. They are 
precisely on the principle of the laws of naturalization 
generally. Certain rights and privileges are secured to 
the native members of society : and on prescribed condi- 
tions, strangers are admitted to participate witli them in 
said privileges. And when we recollect that the con- 
nection between church and state among the Jews, was 
distinguished by this peculiarity, that their civil privileges 
were made to depend on their religious — that the land of 
Canaan itself, and all their temporal blessings were given 
to them as God's visible church, and their continuance 
made to depend on their keeping his commandments ; we 
need not be surprised that the rite of circumcision, while 
its first object was to be a token of God's covenant, should 

* Ex. xii. 48. Num. ix. 14 — xv. 15. 



82 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

carry with it the right of civil liberty. " To me," says 
God, " the children of Israel are servants ; they are my 
servants whom I have brought forth out of Egypt, they 
shall not be sold for bond-men." 

Whether the word Hebrew used in the law, be used in 
the national or ecclesiastical sense, does not alter the case. 
The consequence of being circumcised and joined to the 
Lord, placed the stranger on the same footing with their 
own people. There was to be one law, and one custom, 
and one manner to the home-born and the circumcised 
stranger. 

Paul, who was of the Jewish race, was still a Roman 
citizen, and claimed all their privileges. Foreigners who 
become naturalized in this country, are called Americans, 
and recognized in law as American citizens. 

The term Hebrew was that by which Israel was usually 
designated, at the time they came out of Egypt, when 
the law limiting service to six years was given. It was 
there often, if not usually, used in the ecclesiastical sense, 
to designate that people as the covenant people of God. 
The covenant was made with the nation ; the nation was 
the church ; and in its relation to God as his visible peo- 
ple, was the covenant of Sinai made, of which the limiting 
law is a part. That covenant must have been made with 
all who were circumcised ; of course it embraced the 
bought servant, and while the law of circumcision placed 
him on equal footing with native-born members, the limit- 
ing law gave him as well as them liberty in six years. 

The case then stands thus : — Israel had been reduced 
to slavery, and for many years held forcibly in that condi- 
tion, and compelled to serve without wages. God heard 
their groans, and delivered them. In giving his law to 
the same people soon afterwards, God reminded them 
again and again of their bondage, and charged them not to 
deal thus with others. For certain crimes, however, and 
in some cases for debt, persons might be sold and held to 
service; but none were to be made to serve more than six 
years. 

Severe or cruel usage gave liberty at any time. The 
stealing of a person or holding such in bondage, was pun- 
ished with death. Those taken in war might be held in 



LETTER VII. 83 

bondage; this, in the then usages of war, would prevent 
much bloodshed, and they were allowed to buy of the 
nations about them ; but in both of these cases, they must 
confine themselves to those that would renounce idolatry, 
embrace the true religion, and receive circumcision — the 
token of the covenant ; and when they did this, they were 
to be recognized as brethren, and the law gave them free- 
dom in six years.* 

• Of much additional matter which goes to prove that the limita- 
tion law applied to all servants, the following is selected. 

1. It may be argued from the meaning of the word Hebrew. It 
is not the name of a patriarch, and used to designate his descend- 
ants, but a word expressing a character or condition of persons. 
It means pilgrim, passage, &c, and was first applied to Abram, 
after he was living as a pilgrim and stranger in Canaan. Gen. xiv. 
It came to designate the holy family who lived as pilgrims in Ca- 
naan. Gen. xxxix. They lived thus by faith, confessed they were 
pilgrims, and for this cause God was " not ashamed to be called 
their God." Heb. xi. Those associated with them by circum- 
cision, were equally strangers and pilgrims. 

2. God often calls himself the God of the Hebrews, in his 
messages to Pharaoh. Not, however, in the sense of creation ; he 
is in that sense equally the God of all people. Nor as to their 
personal holiness and salvation. Israel at that time gave little 
proof of piety. But they were God's visible covenant people. 
The circumcised stranger was, however, as much in covenant 
with God, as any of them. Now the law limiting the service of 
the Hebrew servants to six years, was a part of the covenant, and 
embraced all whom that covenant embraced: of course it em- 
braced the circumcised stranger. 

3. It is a fact that strangers were incorporated with Israel. 
Jephennah the father of Caleb, was a Kennezite, yet Caleb was a 
prince of Judah. Gen. xv. 19. Joshua xiv. 6 — 14. The Kenite, 
the relation of Moses, joined the tribe of Judah and is counted in 
their genealogies. Judges i. 16. 1 Chron. ii. 55. Itahab joined the 
tribe of Judah, with her father's house, and was married to the 
prince of that tribe. Joshua vi. 25. Mat i. 5. 

Ruth the Moabitess held the property of her husband and hus- 
band's brother, and was married by Boaz according to the re- 
quirements of the Levitic law. Ruth i. xvi. iv. 10 — 13. 

Obededom the Gittite was joined to the tribe of Levi, and be- 
came porter. 1 Chron. xiii. 13, 14. xxvi. 4 — 5. These are but a 
few of the many cases on record. 

4. I know not that we can account for the great increase of 
Israel during their stay of 215 years in Egypt, but by admitting 
that others were joined with them. At the birth of Moses, and 



84 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

Servitude, thus limited, was stripped of all that deserves 
the name of slavery. With respect to their own people, 
it was chiefly as a punishment for crime ; and with re- 
spect to the heathen, it opened a door for their coming to 
the knowledge of the true religion, and being joined to the 
people of God, and then their chains fell from off their 
hands, and they went out free. It did not reach their 
children. 

Yours, &c. 

possibly for some time after, the male children were destroyed. 
There were, however, 600,000 men able for war. If these men 
were one-sixth, their whole number was above three millions and 
a half. This would have required them to double in fourteen 
years. But they took down servants with them into Egypt. They 
had just before destroyed Shechem, and took the women and 
children captives. Gen. 3-i. If they kept them, as it is intimated 
they did, they must have embraced the true religion and been 
united to them. 

5. The reason of the law forbidding" God's people to be held in 
bondage is, that they are God's servants : " For to me the chil- 
dren of Israel are servants ; they are my servants, therefore 
they shall not be sold for bond-men." This reason, however, was 
as applicable to the circumcised stranger as to their own people. 

6. The names Hebrew, Israel, Jew, circumcised, &.c. are both 
in the Old and New Testament applied to all God's visible people. 
" Many people of the land became Jews. He is not a Jew that is 
one outwardly." Esther viii. 17. Romans ii. 28. 

7. The prophet Ezekiel in foretelling the restoration of Israel, 
declares (xlvii. 22) that "the stranger shall receive an inheritance 
in the tribe to which he is joined, and be as those born in the 
land." 

This we may infer from Exodus xh. 48. was from the first in- 
tended. Caleb the Kennezite was an example. It is, however, 
here specially directed by the prophet. 



85 



LETTER VIII. 



Christian Brethren, 

The principal difficulty that lies against the above inter- 
pretation of the Mosaic law respecting slavery arises from 
what is said in Leviticus xxv. 44. " Thy bond-men and 
thy bond-maids shall be of the heathen ; of them thou shalt 
buy, and shall leave them as an inheritance to your chil- 
dren, and they shall be your bond-men for ever." 

This passage, I readily admit, does at first view look 
like a permission to practise slavery, and that for life. 
And were it the only passage in the Mosaic law that 
related to slavery, we would very naturally be led to take 
it in that sense. There are, however, many other pas- 
sages that relate to it, and when we compare it with those, 
formerly quoted, which I must request you to do, it will 
at once appear, that if taken to justify unqualified slavery, 
it will he at variance both with their letter and spirit. 

It is undeniable, that many of those quoted above speak 
of the slavery of Israel themselves ; that they call it 
oppression, affliction, burdens, cruel and hard bondage, 
and in direct reference to it, Israel is charged, again 
and again, not to deal so with others — no, not with the 
stranger : "ye shall not oppress a stranger, for ye know 
the heart of a stranger; for ye were strangers in the land of 
Egypt. If thou afflict them, and they cry at all unto me, 
I will hear their cry, and my wrath shall wax hot, and I 
will kill you with the sword." 

Thia simple statement of the case makes it our duty, if 
we believe Scripture to be consistent with itself, to examine 
whether an explanation may not be given to Leviticus 
xxv. 44, which will be consistent with God's judgments 
on the Egyptians for enslaving Israel, with the many 
warnings given Israel against dealing with others as the 
Egyptians dealt with them, and with the guards against 
slavery in the limitation laws above quoted. 

However plainly it may at first view appear to permit 
slavery, a little examination of the nature of the case, and 
comparison of it with other passages, may satisfy us that 
there are various explanations of it, and on principles on 

8 



86 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

which generally admitted explanations of other difficult 
passages are made, that will perfectly reconcile it with 
those many passages that condemn slavery. Several of 
these explanations I will notice. 

1. This passage immediately follows the command to 
treat their brother, who might be sold unto them, not as a 
bond-servant but as a hired one ; that is, as I understand it, 
not only to treat him as an equal and brother, but retain 
him no longer than his debt was paid ; reckoning with 
him as a hireling and allowing him wages as such. 

A rule somewhat less lenient was permitted in the case 
of those bought of the heathen. This is plain. But what 
was the nature of the servitude in which those bought of 
the heathen should be held, and especially its duration, is 
not certain from this passage. It does not follow from the use 
of the word D^j; (olem), rendered for ever, that it might 
be perpetual ; yea it does not follow that it might be to the 
next jubilee. For it will be admitted that this word stands 
for various durations ; some longer or shorter according to 
the nature of the subject to which it refers. In the case 
of the servant whose ear was bored, which law we have in 
two places, it is said both times that he should serve oby 
(olem) forever. Ex. xxi. 6. Deut.xv. 16. It is, how- 
ever, generally admitted, that said servant might go out at 
the jubilee : and usually believed, that he could not be 
transferred, nor held to serve by any but the master who 
bored his ear. 

This word, although it immediately follows bond-servant, 
does not necessarily relate to the length of service of any 
individual, but may refer to the whole rule. Part of the 
rule relates to their brother, when sold unto them ; part to 
their buying a stranger; and part to the redemption of 
their brother, when sold to a stranger. It may relate to the 
whole law as their standing rule respecting slavery. 

We have several passages, in which it, or words ex- 
pressing duration, are used in this sense. 

God said to Abraham, " Thy seed shall be a stranger in 
a land not theirs, and shall serve them, and they shall 
afflict them four hundred years." Stephen referring to the 
same case says, " They should bring them into bondage, 
and entreat them evil four hundred years." Gen. xv. 
Acts vii. The four hundred years, in both these passages, 



LETTER VIII. 87 

immediately follows the bondage and appears to fix its 
duration. And were it not that other passages are at vari- 
ance with it, and prove that Israel was in Egypt only about 
two hundred and fifteen years, it would be so taken. It is, 
however, generally admitted that the four hundred years 
relate not only to the term of bondage, as at first they 
seem to do, but to the whole time from the annunciation 
of the event, to the coming out of Egypt. 

The law forbidding a Moabite or Ammonite to enter the 
congregation of the Lord " until the fourth generation for 
ever," is another case in which a rule is qualified by the 
word signifying duration. Deut. xxiii. 

If the above be not satisfactory, it may be explained on 
another principle. It will not be denied, that Israel was 
permitted to do some things which it would be wrong in 
us to do. 

They were permitted, yea, directed, to borrow or de- 
mand so much gold and silver and raiment, as to spoil the 
Egyptians. It was not returned, mid the intention evident- 
ly was, not to return it. This would not justify us in bor- 
rowing and retaining our neighbour's goods. 

Israel was commanded to dispossess and utterly destroy 
the Canaanites, and seize on their country and all that they 
possessed. This would not justify us in treating others 
in the same way. 

These were special commands or permissions, and do 
not justify similar conduct in any other individuals. 

If we then suppose the passage in question a special 
permission to Israel to hold slaves, it would not justify the 
general principle of slavery. The Pope used to give away 
Pagan countries to Christian princes; and possibly he in- 
ferred his right to do so from Israel's dispossessing the 
Canaanites. His absurdity was not much greater than is 
the absurdity of justifying slavery from this precept of the 
Jewish law. 

There is, however, a third explanation, possibly more 
satisfactory than any yet offered. 

It is past dispute, that there are some precepts in the 
Mosaic code, which suppose that things morally wrong did 
or would exist; and instead of directly prohibiting them, 



88 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

(which in fact the moral law had done) regulates them, so 
as to lessen the evil. I will adduce several cases. 

It is supposed, that at some future time, the Israelites 
might be so influenced by the nations about them, as to 
wish to have a king over them.* In reference to this sup- 
posed state of things, various rules are given respect- 
ing whom they should choose, and how the king should 
conduct himself. The case here supposed, took place 
above four hundred years after Moses ; and any one may 
see, by reading the declaration of God respecting it, and 
the messages of Samuel to them, that they sinned " a great 
sin in asking a king."t 

The precept allowing a man to put away his wife, by 
giving her a bill of divorce, is of the same kind. This 
case was directly referred to our Lord, and he was asked 
why Moses permitted it if it were wrong?! He answered, 
that "for the hardness of their hearts" that precept was 
given, but that it was a violation of the original institution 
of marriage. Hardness of heart is itself always in Scrip- 
ture represented as a sin, and one that leads to many 
others. § 

The precept respecting humbling a female captive is of 
the same general nature. A case is supposed that was 
likely to take place in their wars — that of females exposed 
to violence. It was directed, that in those cases the fe- 
male should be taken home by the man who had done it, 
and considered and treated as his wife. If they did not 
live happily together, he was allowed to divorce her as 
other wives were divorced. She was not, however, to be 
sold; but must be let go free. This case could seldom, 
if ever, take place without violating the seventh command- 
ment. It was plainly, like the other case, permitted for 
the hardness of their hearts. These precepts are civil 
regulations for the directions of the judges, and had nothing 
to do with the relation of the action to the moral law. By 
the moral law, they were sinful, and must be accounted for 
to God. How far their ignorance, and the darkness of the 



* Deut. xvii. f 1 Sam. viii. xii. 

t Deut. xxiv. 1. Matt. xix. 3—10. § Deut. xxi. 10 — 14. 



LETTER VIII. 89 

times, may have gone to lessen their guilt, we know not. 
The Judge of all the earth will do right. 

These cases sufficiently establish the fact, that some 
things were tolerated as civil or political things, while they 
were morally wrong. The passage in question (Lev. xxv. 
44.) may be explained on this principle. It does not now 
justify slavery morally considered — it did not among the 
Jews. It placed it on the same ground with divorce, poly- 
gamy, &c. 

This explanation I think perfectly satisfactory. I am 
confident, indeed, that all three explanations are fully as 
good as are given to many other difficulties met with in the 
sacred volume. 

For instance : God's law is often declared to be good, 
yet it is said, " God gave Israel statutes that were not 
good, and by which they could not live." ' 

Paul declares that a man is justified by faith and not by 
works; James declares that a man is justified by works, 
and not by faith only.t Our Lord declares that the Father 
is greater than him ; yet, that he and the Father are one. 
It is said, No man hath seen God at any time; and yet 
the Old Testament relates many appearances of the Lord. 
It is declared, God created all things; yet it is said that 
all things were created by Christ. 

It was promised that the kingdom of David should last 
for ever ; yet it has long since come to an end. 

Some things are said not to have come into God's mind ; 
yet he is declared to know all things. 

God declares that he will visit the iniquities of the 
fathers upon the children ; but Ezek. xviii. appears plainly 
to deny it. 

These, with hundreds of such passages, at first view ap- 
pear to contradict each other ; and many errors arise from 
explaining them on wrong principles. The intelligent 
men of all sects, who hold the truth of the Gospel, find 
consistent explanations of them, and on principles which 
must be admitted in explaining human language, spoken 
as well as written. When taken in the sense meant, they 
do not contradict each other but fully agree. 

* Ezek. xx. 25. t Gal - u\ 21. James ii. 24. 

8" 



90 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

The following passage will perhaps be quoted as prov- 
ing that servitude was perpetual, and that children of 
female servants were held as slaves. 

" If thou buy an Hebrew servant, six years shall he 
serve thee : and in the seventh he shall go out free for 
nothing. If he came in by himself, he shall go out by 
himself: if he were married, then his wife shall go out 
with him. If his master have given him a wife, and she 
hath borne him sons or daughters, the wife and her chil- 
dren shall be her master's, and he shall go out by himself." 
Ex. xxi. 3—4. 

"If a man sell his daughter to be a maid-servant, she 
shall not go out as the men-servants do. If she please not 
her master who hath betrothed her to himself, then shall 
he let her be redeemed : to sell her to a strange nation he 
shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with 
her : and if he hath betrothed her to his son, he shall deal 
with her after the manner of daughters. If he take him 
another wife, her food and raiment and duty of marriage 
shall he not diminish, and if he do not these three things 
unto her, then shall she go out free for nothing." 

At first view, we might think that these passages allow- 
ed holding female servants in bondage for life. We need, 
however, but turn to Deut. xv. 12. to find a law placing 
the female on the same footing with the male. "If an 
Hebrew man or an Hebrew woman be sold unto thee, and 
serve thee six years, then in the seventh year thou shalt 
let him go free from thee." 

Some have supposed that the easiest way of removing 
the apparent contradiction in these two laws is, to consi- 
der the one in Deuteronomy, which was given about forty 
years after the other, as really repealing the first, and giv- 
ing freedom to the female, which was not done before. In 
this case it would stand on the same footing with divorce, 
and the remarriage of the parties to others, that, although 
morally wrong, was for the hardness of their hearts, tole- 
rated by the civil law under the Jewish dispensation, but 
not allowed in the New Testament. Matt. v. 31, 32. 
xix. 2—10. 1 Cor. vii. 11. 

It appears to me, however, that the two laws are really 
not at variance ; that they are reconcilable with each 



LETTER VIII. 91 

other. They both relate to Hebrew servants, and their 
law did not indeed allow them to intermarry with any who 
did not embrace the true religion ; and on doing so, all 
were to be considered as their own people. Now, in the 
case of the married man who was sold, his wife and chil- 
dren went out with him. Of the wife who was given to a 
servant while in bondage, it is said she was not to go out 
with him. It is not said, she was not to go out at all. The 
law in Deuteronomy, fifteenth chapter, shows that she was, 
after six years. Not, however, at the time her husband 
did, unless their time commenced together. The case may 
be thus stated. Suppose a man to buy a servant, who was 
to serve six years ; alter four of those years were past, he 
brings a female, who is also to serve six years, and allows 
them to marry. When the husband's time would be out, 
the wife would have four years to serve. The law did not 
give her liberty until her time was finished, as unmarried 
servants, not brothers and sisters, would seldom be bought 
together, the law required that their marriage should not 
alter their period of service ; and as a question might arise, 
respecting the children, it decided that they should remain 
with the mother, as the most suitable person to have the 
care of children of that ;>>_ . 

The case of a daughter sold for a maid-servant, appears 
manifestly to relate not to females generally, the rule in 
Deut. xv. 12. shows that they were to go out free after six 
years; but to those who were at the same time, betrothed 
to be married to the master, or some of his family. It is 
not at variance with the general rule. We know from the 
case of Jacob, Ollmiel, David anil others, that the Jews 
were in the habit of buying their wives ; and it appears 
from this passage that they sometimes took them home 
and employed them as domestics before the consummation 
of the marriage. The period after they were betrothed until 
marriitire, was possibly often thus spent. They were fre- 
quently betrothed several years before marriage. The 
Jews practise so now. They often betroth in childhood. 
The law provides that in case the marriage is not consum- 
mated, she must not be sold to another, but returned to her 
friends. 



92 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

I will now notice briefly, the principal Scripture cases 
quoted at times as instances of slavery, and as justifying it. 

The prophecy of Noah, " Cursed be Canaan, a servant 
of servants shall he be to his brethren." Not only is this 
passage quoted as referring to slavery, but what is more 
surprising, as justifying our holding the Africans in that 
condition. Ex. iii. Deut. vii. Lev. xviii. Jos. xii. 

We need but compare the account of the settlement of 
the sons of Canaan in the land, from them called Canaan, 
in the tenth chapter of Genesis, with the promise of God 
often repeated to Abram, Isaac, Jacob and Israel, that he 
would give them that land ; and the account of their subdu- 
ing and taking possession of it under Joshua, to be satis- 
fied that the prophecy refers to that case. Its application 
to the Canaanites is manifest, but to the Africans is exceed- 
ingly doubtful. 

The passage, we are to recollect, is but a prophecy, and 
has nothing to do with the right or the wrong of the thing, 
in those who accomplished it. Many of the worst crimes 
ever committed by man have been foretold ; but that did 
not make them right. The bondage of Israel under the 
Egyptians was foretold to Abraham : " Thy seed shall be 
in bondage, and they shall afflict them four hundred years." 
The apostasies of Israel, the death of Christ, the persecu- 
tion of his followers, have all been foretold. They were 
not, however, the less sinful. 

It must not be overlooked that the evils inflicted on the 
Canaanites, were inflicted at the express command of God. 
It was in way of punishment. Israel did not receive a 
general permission to deal thus with all people. The guilty 
nation was pointed out, and the nature of the punishment 
prescribed. It no more justifies similar conduct in others, 
or in other cases, than the execution of the criminal, law- 

* I have repeatedly heard this passage appealed to by preachers, 
and explained as fulfilled in the case of negro slavery ; and in a 
way that made the impression that as slavery was foretold, it was 
not wrong-. It reminds me of the way an old preacher some time 
back was reported to have addressed the black people at the close 
of his sermon. " And you black negroes, you are dirty, lazy crea- 
tures. You won't do your master's work without the rod. You 
are the cursed race of Ham. The Lord hates you, and so do I." 



LETTER VIII. 93 

fully convicted and condemned, would justify putting per- 
sons to death for no crime, and without a trial. 

It is farther to be remarked, that while the tribute im- 
posed on the Canaanites may have been part of the bon- 
dage foretold, it is plain that Israel had no authority for 
taking that course. The command of God was express, 
to destroy them utterly. Instead of this, Israel spared 
many of them, and raised a tribute from them. They are 
expressly charged with disobeying God in this, [Judges 
ii. 1 — 3.) and assured that those tributaries or servants, 
(for the word means both,) "should be thorns in their 
sides, and pricks in their eyes ; and be a snare unto them." 
They proved to be so. They were a constant temptation 
to idolatry, as well as other crimes ; and by their insurrec- 
tions and wars, were an everlasting source of trouble and 
distress to Israel. See the Book of Judges. 

The practice of the Patriarchs is often quoted in justi- 
fication of slavery ; but, as appears to me, very erroneously. 

They may not have possessed one-tenth part of the light 
we do respecting moral duty. They had no written law, 
nor is it certain that the law of love and rule of doing as 
we would be done by, was known to them as the rule of 
morals. AVe know that they practised polygamy, and 
suppose it was owing to the fact that the spirit and prin- 
ciples of the seventh commandment were not unfolded to 
them, as it is to us; had God commanded them to love 
their neighbour as themselves, and laid down the proper- 
ties of that love that seeketh not its own, that work- 
eth no ill to its neighbour, that causes persons to do in 
all things to others as they would have men do to them; 
had the whole been reduced to writing, and put in their 
hands, as they are in ours, to be studied and applied to all 
their doings with their fellow men, then there would be 
more reason for taking their practice as a pattern. He 
that knoweth to do good and doeth it not, to him it is sin. 
To do wrong ignorantlv, differs widely from doing it know- 
ingly, or with the means of knowing better. 

But it has too readily been taken for granted, that the 
Patriarchs did practise slavery, properly so called. The 
account we have of them does not make it certain. They 
lived in the infancy of nations. Their contemporaries and 



94 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

sons were the fathers of many of the nations of whom we 
read in sacred and profane history. Abraham's sons by 
Hagar and Keturah were the germs of many nations. Lot's 
sons formed the nations of Moab and Ammon ; Esau and 
Jacob were the heads of nations, and Jacob's sons grew 
into twelve tribes. The whole history of the Patriarchal 
times show that enterprising individuals separated and set 
up for themselves, and with their families and followers 
became independent tribes. The tribe or nation often took 
its name from the individual at its head. The first-born of 
the ruling family, was usually the chief, and the rest were 
called his people or servants. Thus Esau, after he had 
sold his birth-right, was called the servant of Jacob. Isaac 
says that Jacob was " made lord over his brethren, and 
they were given him for servants.* There were more 
spoken of than Esau. It refers to all the people under 
Isaac — those who were under Abraham, with their de- 
scendants — those four hundred with whom Esau met Ja- 
cob, as he returned from Padan Aram. These people Esau 
led off, and with them subdued Mount Seir, afterward call- 
ed Edom, and founded the nation called Edom. We have 
a long list of the sons of Esau, who ruled over them. 
Gen. 36. 

Now the words used to express those who are called 
the servants of the Patriarchs are the same that are used 
to express the people of any other tribe, under their rulers 
or kings, as the Philistines under Abimelech, the Egyptians 
under Pharaoh ; the Israelites under Saul, David and Sol- 
omon ; the Assyrians, Babylonians, &c. under their kings 
or rulers. Those under the Patriarchs may really have 
been no more slaves than the Philistines, and Egyptians, 
and Canaanites, were in the time of Abraham. Abraham 
is expressly called a great Prince ;t Isaac was said to be 
more mighty than Abimelech ; % and Jacob had war with 
the Amorites. They all formed alliances, and ruled their 
people as independent princes. Those under them are 
called their servants ; but it does not follow that they were 
slaves. 

It does not follow from what is said to Abraham about 

* Gen. 27. f Gen. xxiii. 6. * Gen. xxvi. 16. 



LETTER VIII. 95 

bought servants, that he had slaves. It is not said that he 
had any of that kind, but that such, if there were any, 
must be circumcised ; and it is stated of the three hundred 
and eighteen whom he led out to war, that they were born 
in his housed or in the community of which he was the 
head and prince. It would seem from this fact, that he had 
few bought persons at that time. 

We are also to recollect that Abraham was at the head 
of an independent tribe, that he had war with four or five 
kings, that those under him were trained to arms, that he 
at this time had no child, that the fact of having so many 
born in his tribe proved their families and children were 
there too. How could Abraham alone have held above 
three hundred men, with their families, in absolute slavery, 
against their wills, while they had arms in their hands ? 
They must have chosen to remain with him. It was not 
therefore such a slavery as exists among us. 

Hagar was a servant, but it is not certain that she was a 
slave. The word used to express her does not prove it, 
nor does her rough treatment. Other servants, and es- 
pecially helpless and unfriended females, often are thus 
treated. When sent off by Abraham, she was not sold as 
slaves are, but simply sent away. Jacob bought his wives, 
but there is not an instance of buying or selling a slave by 
any of the Patriarchs, unless the sale of Joseph by his 
brother be of that kind. 

I do not say that the patriarchs had no slaves, but I say 
that it is not certain that they had, and in the uncertainty 
of the case, we ought not to assume as true what is less 
to their credit as pious men. It is more consistent to fol- 
low the example of Christ and his Apostles, who had at- 
tendants, but not slaves. They taught the law of love, and 
their practice agreed with their teaching. 

The direction in the fourth commandment and many 
other passages respecting servants, relates to all kinds of 
servants that might be among them, and has nothing to do 
with the fact whether slavery existed, or the right or 
wrong of the practice. 

The Midianitish prisoners! came, of course, under the 
law that allowed them to retain among them no servants 

* Gen. xiv. 14. f Num. xxxi. 



96 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

that were not circumcised and united to the church ; and 
when this took place, they were to be treated as Hebrews, 
and to go out free after six years. 

The case of the Gibeonites is different.* They found 
a considerable body of people, embracing four powerful 
cities. They belonged to the Canaanitcs that were to be de- 
stroyed ; but moved by the report of the wonders God 
had wrought in Egypt and the wilderness, and the destruc- 
tion of the nations on the oilier side of Jordan ; they feared 
for their lives, practised a deceit on Israel, and obtained an 
alliance with them. After this was discovered, they were 
condemned to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for 
the tabernacle of God. I have several remarks to make on 
this case. 

They had been condemned to be destroyed for their 
sins. They, to evade this, practised a deceit on Israel, 
who was to destroy them, and obtained the protection of a 
covenant and oath. The original punishment could not, 
therefore, without violating this covenant and oath, be in- 
flicted; and in place of it, and for the deceit, they were 
condemned to be hewers of wood and drawers of water. 
It is not said that this punishment was entailed on their 
children ; and I see not that without proof we are to take 
it for granted that it was. We find the Gibeonites free in 
the times of Saul and David. t Had they been servants to 
Israel at that time, Saul would hardly have destroyed them 
in his zeal for Israel. David treated them as free and in- 
dependent, in the satisfaction which he made them for the 
injury received from Saul. J The case has nothing to do 
with justifying slavery. 

There is a class of persons mentioned in the latter times 
of the history of Judah, called Nethenims, whom some 
seem to think were slaves ; but I apprehend without suffi- 
cient authority. The name signifies persons given or de- 
voted. The same word is applied to the Levites,§ as set 
apart to aid the priests. It is to Samuel as given to the 
Lord by his mother to minister at the tabernacle. [| David 
and the princes are said to have set apart persons called 
from this " Nethenims. "^[ They divided theLevites into 

* Joshua ix. f Ibid. * 2 Samuel xxi. § Num. viii. 16. 

|| 1 Samuel i. 11. 1 Ezra viii. 20. 



LETTER VIII. 97 

the classes of porters, singers, judges, &c, and these classes 
into twenty-four courses ; and finding not as many Levites 
as were sufficient for all the departments they were to fill, 
and the duties they were to perform, they added to them 
other persons in such numbers as were needed. There is 
no more proof that they were slaves, than that the Levites 
were slaves. They were associated with the Levites in 
the same offices and duties, and were, for aught that 
appears, as free as they. They had their possessions as 
well as the Levites. 1 Chron. ix. 2; Neh. iii. 26. They 
came freely, separated themselves to God, joined in the 
covenant, and aided in re-establishing the worship of C4od. 
Ezra viii. 15—20; Neh, x. 28. 

Having in another place noticed the arguments drawn 
from the directions to servants in the New Testament, I 
need not dwell on them here. 

Yours, &c. 



98 



LETTER IX. 



Christian Brethren, 

Allow me now to call your attention to a good many 
cases which, unless I am much mistaken, go most clearly 
to prove that slavery is morally wrong, and exposes to 
God's wrath. Its distinguishing features are, that it is not 
with the consent and for the mutual benefit of the master 
and slave, but forced, and for the alone benefit and plea- 
sure of the master, and for no crime in the person thus 
forced to serve. It is founded in violence and force, and 
continued by the same means. 

I first remark that violence is mentioned as the promi- 
nent sin for which God destroyed the old world by the 
waters of a flood. "The earth was corrupt before God, 
and the earth was full of violence ; God said, the end of all 
flesh is come, for the earth is filled with violence ; I will 
destroy them with the earth." Gen. vi. 11 — 13. 

It is not said what kind of violence this was, whether of 
man on man, or nation on nation. We know not indeed 
whether civil government existed before the flood ; nor 
whether the violence related to property or personal rights. 
This, however, does not alter the case. It proves God's 
hatred of violence as practised by man on man ; and other 
passages call slavery violence and oppression. 

I next adduce a case connected with the first war re- • 
corded in Scripture. 

Chederlaomer, king of Elam, had subdued and held in 
bondage, for twelve years, the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, 
Admah, Zeboim, and Zoar. Those kings then threw off 
the yoke, and attempted to defend their freedom. In the 
war which followed, they were beaten, and many of them, 
including Lot, were taken captive. 

Abraham considered it a case in which justice called on 
him to break the rod of the oppressor, and set the oppress- 
ed free. He armed his people, and pursued them, and 
that it might be manifest that justice and not gain influ- 
enced him, " he lifted up his hands unto the Lord the most 
high God, the possessor of heaven and earth, (solemnly 
vowed,) that he would not take from a thread to a shoe- 



LETTER IX. 99 

latchet." God gave him success. He smote the oppres- 
sors, rescued the captives, recovered their goods, and let 
all return to their own cities. Here we have Abraham 
risking his own life and the lives of his people to rescue 
others from bondage; and when, according to a custom 
that early prevailed, he might have held them in servitude, 
he let them go free, without one shoe-latchet in return. 
And yet, some would have it, that he held in absolute 
slavery the very men with whom he performed this gene- 
rous and noble exploit! How unreasonable the supposi- 
tion ! 

The bondage of Israel in Egypt is fully described, often 
referred to, and was severely punished. 

"They set over them task-masters to afflict them with 
burdens, and the Egyptians made the children of Israel to 
serve with rigour. And they made their lives bitter with 
hard bondage, in mortar and in brick, and in all manner of 
service in the field : all the service wherein they made 
them to serve, was with rigour. And the officers of the 
children of Israel, whom Pharaoh's task-masters had set 
over them, were beaten, and demanded, Wherefore have ye 
not fulfilled your tasks in making bricks, both yesterday 
and to-day? And the children of Israel sighed by reason 
of the bondage, and they cried, and their cry came up to 
God by reason of their bondage. And the Lord said, I have 
surely seen the affliction of my people that are in Egypt, 
and have heard their cry by reason of their task-masters ; 
for I know their sorrows ; and I am come down to deliver 
them. I know that Pharaoh will not let you go, no, not 
by a mighty hand; and I will stretch out my hand and 
smite Egypt with all my wonders, which I will do in the 
midst thereof. And it was told the king of Egypt that the 
people had lied ; and the heart of Pharaoh and his servants 
were turned against the people, and they said, Why have 
we done this, that we have let Israel go from serving us ? 
And he made ready his chariot, and took his people with 
him, and six hundred chosen chariots, and pursued after 
them, and overtook them encompassed by the sea. And 
the children of Israel were sore afraid, and cried unto the 
Lord ; and the Lord caused the sea to go back, and the 
waters were divided, and the children of Israel went into 



100 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

the midst of the sea on dry ground ; and the Egyptians 
pursued after them into the midst of the sea, and the Lord 
overthrew the Egyptians in the midst of the sea, and saved 
Israel out of the hand of the Egyptians. — Thou shalt 
speak and say before the Lord, the Egyptians evil-entreat- 
ed us, and afflicted us, and laid upon us hard bondage ; 
and the Lord heard our voice, and looked on our affliction 
and labour and our oppression ; and the Lord brought us 
out of Egypt with a mighty hand, and an outstretched 
arm, and with great terribleness, and with signs and won- 
ders." — Deut. xxvi. 6. See the first fourteen chapters of 
Exodus, also the 105th Psalm. 

Here is a case of slavery detailed at length, with the 
means used to induce the oppressors to leave it off, let the 
oppressed go free, enjoy the fruit of their labour, and 
choose the place of their habitation. This servitude is 
called affliction, oppression, burdens, a yoke, and hard bon- 
dage. God visited Egypt with many and sore judgments 
on account of it ; and Israel was specially directed to bor- 
row (ask or demand) gold and silver and raiment, and 
carry off with them in such quantities as to spoil the 
Egyptians. This appears evidently to have been done as 
a means of getting compensation for the labour exacted 
from them. Israel was forced to labour without wages, 
and God by his judgments so terrified the Egyptians, that 
they gave Israel what they demanded. Both king and 
people concurred in the hard dealings towards Israel, and 
both partook of the punishment. 

Almost all the excuses now made in justification or pal- 
liation of slavery could have been made by that genera- 
tion of Egyptians that was punished for enslaving Israel. 

They could have plead that they did not begin it ; that 
Israel were in slavery when they were born ; that they 
formed the labouring class, and could not be set free with- 
out changing the whole state of society ; that, considered 
as property, the Israelites were of immense value. That 
there were such prejudices between them and the Egyp- 
tians that they could not mingle and become one people : 
they were an abomination to each other. That they were 
treated well, allowed to live with their families, and to 
hold and accumulate property; that if correction was 



LETTER IX. 101 

used, and overseers placed over them, it was because they 
would not work without it. That their rapid increase 
proved that they were well treated. 

All these and similar excuses availed not. The prac- 
tice of slavery was morally wrong. Their continuing it 
increased their guilt, and made sure their punishment. 

Moses declared to Israel, that if they sinned, God would, 
as a punishment, give them up to spoiling and oppression 
and slavery; and that if they, while thus afflicted, would 
turn to God, he would deliver them out of the hands of 
those that spoiled and enslaved them, and avenge on their 
enemies the evils done them. Of the many cases of this 
kind which took place, I will notice a few. 

" They (Israel) forsook the Lord and served Baal and 
Asteroth, and the anger of the Lord was hot against Israel, 
and he delivered them into the hands of spoilers that spoil- 
ed them, and sold them into the hands of their enemies, 
and they were greatly distressed : nevertheless the Lord 
raised up judges which delivered them out of the hands of 
those that spoiled them." Judges ii. 13. 

" The children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord, 
and he sold them into the hands of the king of Mesopota- 
mia, and they served him eight years; and when the chil- 
dren of Israel cried unto the Lord, the Lord raised up a 
deliverer to the children of Israel, who delivered them, Oth- 
nicl — and the land had rest forty years." Judges iii. 7 — 8. 

" The children of Israel did evil again in the sight of 
the Lord, and the Lord sold them into the hand of Jaban, 
king of Canaan; and the children of Israel cried unto the 
Lord, for he had nine hundred chariots of iron, and twenty 
years he mightily oppressed Israel : and Deborah, the 
prophetess, called Barak and said, hath not the Lord God 
commanded— take with thee ten thousand men, and I will 
deliver him into thine hands : and the Lord discomfited 
Sisera with all his hosts." Judges iv. 4. 

"And the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the 
Lord, and he sold them into the hands of the Philistines, 
and into the hands of the children of Amnion, and they 
vexed and oppressed Israel eighteen years ; and the chil- 
dren of Israel cried unto the Lord, saying, We have sinned : 
and the Lord said, Did I not deliver you from the Egyp- 

9* 



102 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

tians, and from the Ammorites, and from the children of 
Ammon, and from the Philistines, the Zidonians also, . 
and from the Amalekites, and Maonites — yet ye have for- 
saken me and served other gods : the children of Israel 
said, We have sinned : deliver us only this day, we pray. 
The Spirit of the Lord came upon Jephthah, and the Lord 
delivered them into his hands : thus the children of Ammon 
were subdued before the children of Israel." Judges x. 11. 
It is to be remarked, that in all these cases, Israel was 
held in bondage — was made to serve. In most of them, 
they are said to be sold for their sins. The oppressions 
and bondage are ever represented as punishments ; and 
when repented of, God delivered them. But farther, it 
must not be overlooked, that those who oppressed Israel 
and made them to serve, are always punished in their 
turn for their hard dealings towards Israel. These cases 
go to condemn slavery. 

Slavery, as practised by Israel, is clearly represented as 
sinful, and deserving of punishment. 

" For three transgressions of Israel, and for four, I will 
not turn away the punishment thereof: because they sold 
the righteous for silver, and the poor for a pair of shoes. 
Assemble yourselves on the mountains of Samaria, and be- 
hold the great tumult and the oppression in the midst there- 
of : For they know not to do right, who store up violence 
and robbery in the midst thereof. Hear this, O ye that 
swallow up the needy, even to make the poor of the land 
to fail ; saving — that we may buy the poor for silver, and 
the needy "for a pair of shoes. The Lord hath sworn by 
the excellency of Jacob, Surely I will never forget any of 
their works." Amos ii. 6. iii. 9. viii. 4 — 7. 

Here, buying and selling persons is set down as a sin 
which should be punished-- the Lord swears by himself 
that he will not forget it. 

We have the sinfulness of slavery presented in a strong 
point of light by the prophet Oded, when the captives of 
Judah were brought to Samaria to be held as slaves. 

" And the children of Israel carried away, of their 
brethren, two hundred thousand women, sons and daugh- 
ters, and took also much spoil, and brought the spoil to 
Samaria. But a prophet of the Lord, Oded, said unto 



LETTER IX. 103 

them, Behold, because the Lord was wroth with Judah, 
he hath delivered them into your hands, and ye purpose 
to keep under the children of Judah for bond-men and 
bond-women ; but are there not with you, even with 
you, sins against the Lord your God. Now, therefore, 
hear me, and deliver the captives again, for the fierce 
wrath of the Lord is upon you. Then certain of the heads 
of Ephraim said unto them, Ye shall not bring in the cap- 
tives hither : for whereas we have offended against the 
Lord already, ye intend to add more to our sin and our 
trespass. So the armed men left the captives and the spoil 
before the princes and all the congregation. And the men 
(the heads of Ephraim) rose up and took the captives, and 
with the spoil clothed all that were naked, arrayed, shod 
them, gave them to eat and drink, and anointed them, and 
carried all that were feeble on asses, and brought them to 
their brethren. 2 Chron. xxviii. 8 — 15. 

This is an interesting case. The kingdoms of Israel 
and Judah had long been at war. For the sins of Judah, 
God delivered them into the hands of Israel, who destroy- 
ed very many, and took captive two hundred thousand, 
with the purpose of holding them in slavery. 

The prophet declared it sinful, and remonstrated against 
it; and being joined by some leading men, the plan was 
given up, and the prisoners, with all the spoil, restored 
without price or reward. 

It is a striking instance of faithful and intrepid discharge 
of duty in a minister of religion, when the multitude are 
doing wrong; and of the multitude calmly listening to the 
truth and obeying it, at the expense of immense wealth, 
fairly gotten, according to the prevalent notions of that 
time. Had all ministers acted as this prophet did, while 
all might not have had his success, it need not be doubted 
but that there would have been much less oppression and 
slavery in the world. Had they so acted with respect to 
African slavery, it never would have been that dreadful and 
threatening evil it now is. 

I next adduce the judgment on the kingdom of Judah 
for practising slavery, as recorded by Jeremiah xxxiv. 
The case will be more plain by noticing the state of things 
that preceded it. 



104 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

When the king of Babylon made war on the kingdom 
of Judah, king Zedekiah sent to Jeremiah the prophet to 
inquire of the Lord on his behalf. Jeremiah was sent to 
the king with a message from the Lord, of which the fol- 
lowing was the prominent part. " Hear the word of the 
Lord, O king of Judah, thou and thy servants : thus saith the 
Lord, execute ye judgment and righteousness, and deliver the 
spoiled out of the hands of the oppressor; and do no wrong; 
do no violence to the stranger, the fatherless, nor the widow ; 
neither shed innocent blood in this place. If ye will not 
hear these words, I swear by myself, saith the Lord, that 
this house shall be a desolation : wo unto him that build- 
eth his house by unrighteousness and his chambers by 
wrong, that useth his neighbour's service without wages, 
and giveth him not for his work. Jer. xxii. 2 — 5. 13. 

Influenced by these warnings, Zedekiah, during the first 
siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans, exerted himself to 
correct those evils pointed out. by the prophet. He par- 
ticularly set himself to prevent oppression, and induced 
the people to engage before God to let their servants go 
out free. God, in approbation of this, caused the Chal- 
deans to raise the siege and go up from them. But when 
the danger was over, the people returned to the practice of 
slavery, and even compelled those who had gone out free 
to return to bondage. Jeremiah was sent to them with 
another message from the Lord. 

" This is the word that came to Jeremiah from the Lord 
after that Zedekiah had made a covenant with all the peo- 
ple that were in Jerusalem, to proclaim liberty unto them; 
that every man should let his man-servant and every man 
his maid-servant, an Hebrew or an Hebrewess, go free ; 
that none should serve himself of them, to wit, of a Jew 
his brother. Now when all the princes and all the people 
heard that every one should let his man-servant, and every 
one his maid-servant go free, that none should serve them- 
selves of them any more, they obeyed and let them go. 
But afterward they turned and caused the servants and 
hand-maids, whom they had let go free, to return, and 
brought them into subjection for servants and for hand- 
maids ; thus saith the Lord, ye were now turned and had 
done right in my sight in proclaiming liberty every man 



LETTER IX. 105 

to his neighbour; but ye turned, and caused every man his 
servant and every man his hand-maid, whom he had set at 
liberty at their pleasure, to return and brought them into 
subjection for servants and for hand-maids. Therefore, 
thus saith the Lord, ye have not hearkened unto me in 
proclaiming liberty every man unto his brother and every 
man to his neighbour; behold I proclaim liberty for you, 
saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence and to the 
famine, and I will make you to be removed to all the king- 
doms of the earth. Because I will cause them (the Chal- 
deans) to return to this city, and they shall fight against it 
and take it, and burn it with fire ; and I will make the 
cities of Judah a desolation." Jer. xxxiv. 

Here, in obedience to a command to do justice and judg- 
ment, to put an end to spoiling and oppression, not to use 
the service of others without wages, a temporary reforma- 
tion took place, and their giving liberty to those in bon- 
dage is the thing sjj(<i<tlh/ noticed. God approves of 
it, declares they did right, and caused their enemies to 
leave them. Their returning to the practice of slavery is 
mostpuintc//i/ condemned, and is the special sin for which 
they and their city were condemned to be destroyed. 

If any attempt to weaken the force of this case by say- 
ing that it was for holding their own people in bondage, 
and not for holding strangers, I reply, that it has before 
been shown, that they were not allowed to retain slaves 
who did not profess the true religion. And when they 
professed it, they were as those born in the land, and were 
brethren, and could not be held to serve more than six 
years. They were called Jews : " Many people of the 
land became Jews." Esther viii. 17. 

The general truth, however, taught in this passage is 
the same, if this were not the case. The distinction be- 
tween Jew and Gentile, and the object for which it was 
made, and for a time continued, is done away. All must 
now be considered our neighbours and brethren. The law 
of love makes it our duty to love all men as ourselves, to 
own the brotherhood of all mankind. What the Jew might 
not do to his brother Jew, we must not do to any brother 
of the human family. 

In Nehemiah, fifth chapter, we have another case. After 



106 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

the return of the Jews from that captivity with which God 
visited them for enslaving others, some of them fell into 
the same practice. The subject was brought before Nehe- 
miah and pointedly condemned. 

" And there was a great cry of the people, and of their 
wives against their brethren, the Jews. For there were that 
said, our flesh is as the flesh of our brethren, our children as 
their children; and lo we bring into bondage our sons and our 
daughters to be servants, and some of our daughters are 
brought into bondage already, neither is it in our power to 
redeem them : and I was very angry, and rebuked the no- 
bles and rulers, and said unto them : We, according to our 
ability, have redeemed our brethren, the Jews, which were 
sold unto the heathen ; and will you even sell your breth- 
ren, or shall they be sold unto us ? It is not good that 
ye do. Ought ye not to walk in the fear of your God? 
Then they said, we will restore them, so will we do as 
thou sayest. Then I called the priests, and took an oath 
of them, that they should do according to this promise ; 
also I shook my lap and said, So God shake out every 
man from his house and from his labour, that performeth 
not this promise. Neh. v. 

A comparison of the passages which speak of those that 
went up after the captivity, had possessions assigned them, 
and entered into the covenant, shows that all of them were 
not of Jewish descent. They are, however, called Jews 
and brethren, because they had " separated themselves 
from the people of the land unto the law of God." Neh, 
x. 28, 29. xi. 3. 

The prophecies which foretold the oppressions and bon- 
dage which Israel should suffer, represent them as punish- 
ment for sin. 

" If thou wilt not hearken to the voice of the Lord thy 
God, thou shall be only oppressed and spoiled evermore : 
thy sons and thy daughters shall be given to another peo- 
ple, and thine eyes shall look and fail with longing for 
them all the day long, and there shall be no might in thine 
hand : thou shalt beget sons and daughters, but thou shalt 
not enjoy them, for they shall go into captivity. Ye shall 
be sold unto your enemies for bond-men and bond-women," 
Deut. xxviii. 



LETTER IX. 107 

When those judgments fell on Israel, the prophets 
speak of them as punishment for sin. " Israel forsook the 
Lord, and the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, 
and he delivered them into the hands of the spoilers that 
spoiled them, and sold them into the hands of their enemies 
round about. The chief of the priests and the people 
transgressed very much, mocked the messengers of God, 
despised his words, misused his prophets, therefore he 
brought on them the Chaldeans, who slew their young 
men with the sword, and had no compassion upon young 
men or maidens, old men or him that stooped for age ; and 
them that had escaped from the sword, carried he away to 
Babylon, where they were servants to him and his sons, 
until the reign of the kingdom of Persia." 2 Chron. xxxvi. 
Of the Chaldean, it was said, " lie opened not the house 
of his prisoners, they held the captives fast, and refused to 
let them go." 

Prophet and people own the justice of God in these dis- 
pensations. 

" Since the days of our fathers, we have been in a great 
trespass, and for our iniquities have we been delivered into 
the hands of the kings of the lands, for we are bond-men; 
howbeit, thou art just in all that is brought upon us; for 
thou hast done right, but we have done wickedly, behold 
we are servants this day : for the land that thou gavest to 
our fathers, to eat the fruit thereof, and the good thereof, 
behold we are servants in it. And it yieldeth much in- 
crease to the kings whom thou hast set over us because of 
our sins ; also they have dominion over our bodies and 
over our cattle at their pleasure, and we are in great dis- 
tress." Ezra ix. Neh. ix. 

When Israel, in their affliction and bondage, repented 
and turned to God, lie always regarded their cry, and 
caused them to find favour from those who held them in 
bondage, or raised up a deliverer, under whom they went 
out free. 

All these cases represent slavery as a punishment, and 
as sinful in the dealings of man towards man. 

We cannot dismiss this subject without noticing another 
class of examples. 

Lest it should be inferred that Israel was punished for 
practising slavery, not on account of its moral evil, but for 



108 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

violating a positive prohibition, we have in Scripture many 
cases of heathens punished for the same thing. It must, 
in these cases, be admitted that their sin was not the viola- 
tion of a positive command. They had none. It must 
have been a sin against natural right, and equity, and jus- 
tice. That it was Israel they are in some cases punished 
for holding in bondage, does not alter the case ; for in some 
cases it was not. Nor would it alter the case if it was. 
If it were not naturally wrong in Israel to hold others in 
slavery, I see not how it would be naturally wrong in 
others to do the same to them. If, as I think I have shown, 
slavery is morally wrong, and Israel was not allowed to 
practise it, it was criminal in the nations about Israel to 
deal thus hardly with her. 

About the time that the judgments of God were falling 
on the kingdoms of Israel and Judah for their sins, most 
of the nations about them joined in oppressing and en- 
slaving them. The prophets that lived at that time de- 
scribe the conduct of those nations, and denounce the 
judgments of God on them for the same. It is stated as a 
general trait of their dealings towards Israel, that " the 
children of Israel and the children of Judah were op- 
pressed together, and all that took them captives, held them 
fast, and refused to let them go." Jerem. v. 33. 

The kingdom of Israel was broken up by the Assyrians, 
and the kingdom of Judah by the Babylonians. Most of 
the surrounding nations, however, took part in the wars 
against Israel, and helped much to oppress and enslave 
them. A few of these cases I will notice. 

" Thus saith the Lord, for three transgressions of Gaza, 
and for four I will not turn away the punishment thereof; 
because they carried away the whole captivity, to deliver 
them up to Edom. I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza, 
which shall devour the palaces thereof." Amos i. 6. 

The practice of reducing captives to slavery and selling 
them, was then common. It is here specified as that sin 
for which Gaza should be punished. 

" Thus saith the Lord, for three transgressions of Ty- 
rus, and for four, I will not turn away the punishment 
thereof; because they delivered up the whole captivity to 
Edom and remembered not the brotherly covenant." Tyre 



LETTER IX. 109 

was a great slave-market. " They have traded in the per- 
sons of men ; they have given a boy for a harlot, and sold 
a girl for wine, that they might drink. Yea, and what have 
ye to do with me, O Tyre and Sidon, and all the coast of 
Palestine; will ye render to me a recompense I The chil- 
dren of Jndah and the children of Jerusalem have ye sold 
to the Grecians that ye might remove them far from the 
border. Behold I will raise them up from the place whi- 
ther ye have sold them, and will return your recompense 
upon your own head. And I will sell your sons and your 
daughters into the hands of the children of Judah, and they 
shall sell them to the Sabeans, to a people far off: for the 
Lord hath spoken it." dmos i. 9; Ez. xxvi. 13; Joel 
ni. 4 — 8. 

"The Edomites had come and smitten Judah, and car- 
ried away captives," and Gaza anil Tyre had sold their 
captives to Edom. Edom appears to have been a great 
slave-trader and slave-holder, as such a severe doom is 
pronounced against him. 

" Thus saith the Lord, for three transgressions of Edom, 
and for four, I will not turn away the punishment thereof; 
because he did pursue his brother with the sword, and did 
cast oil' pity, and his anger did tear perpetually, and he 
kept his wrath for ever. Hut I will send a fire upon Te- 
man which shall devour the palaces of Bozrah. He will 
visit thine iniquity, daughter of Edom, he will discover 
thy sin ; the cup shall also pass through unto thee." 2 
Chron. xxviii. 17. *imoa i. 11. Lament, iv. 22. 

" Thus saith the Lord, for three transgressions of the 
children of Amnion, and for four, 1 will not turn away the 
punishment thereof; because they have ripped up the wo- 
men with child of Gilead that they might enlarge their 
border; their king shall go into captivity, he and his 
princes together. Thou saidst, 'Aha, against, the house of 
Judah, when they went into captivity. Behold, I will de- 
liver thee to the men of the east for a possession." Amos 
i. 13. Ezelc. xxv. 3. 

" The Syrians smote (Israel) and carried away a great 
multitude of captives, and brought them to Damascus." 

" Thus saith the Lord, for three transgressions of Da- 
mascus, and for four, I will not turn awav the punish- 

10 



110 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ment thereof; because they have thrashed Gilead with 
thrashing instruments of iron. But I will send fire into 
the house of Hazael, and it shall devour the palaces of 
Benhadad. The people of Syria shall go into captivity 
unto Kir, saith the Lord of Hosts." 2 Chron. xxviii. 5. 
Amos i. 3. 

" Thou shalt take up this proverb against the king of 
Babylon, and say, How hath the oppressor ceased : he 
who smote the people with a continual stroke — that made 
the world a wilderness — that destroyed cities — that opened 
not the house of his prisoners, (let not his prisoners loose 
homewards.) Prepare slaughter for his children, for the 
iniquity of their fathers their children shall be dashed in 
pieces before their eyes, their houses spoiled, and their 
wives ravished. Come down and sit in the dust, O 
daughter of Babylon, sit on the ground ; take the mill- 
stones and grind meal ; uncover thy locks, make bear thy 
leg, pass over the river, (described as a slave and a cap- 
tive.) I will take vengeance, and 1 will not meet thee as 
a man. I was wroth with my people, and gave them into 
thy hand, and thou didst show them no mercy — upon the 
ancient hast thou very heavily laid thy yoke." Isaiah 
xiii. 16, xiv. 4—21, xivii. 1—6. 

In all these cases, to which many others might be add- 
ed, judgments are denounced on nations for their spoiling, 
and violence, and oppression. And in almost every one 
of them, bondage or slavery is mentioned. In those times 
captives were considered as a part of the booty, and were 
often divided among the officers and soldiers, and either 
retained or sold as slaves. God considers this dealing of 
man to man as sinful, and severely punishes it. He gives 
up to captivity and spoil and slavery, those who have dealt 
thus with others. This is strikingly set forth in the case 
of Babylon. — " Behold I will send and take all the fami- 
lies of the north, and the king of Babylon my servant, and 
will bring them against this land, and against the inha- 
bitants thereof, and against all the nations round about ; 
and these nations shall serve the king of Babylon seventy 
years. And it shall come to pass when seventy years are 
accomplished, that I will punish the king of Babylon and 
that nation for their iniquity ; for many nations and groat 



LETTER IX. Ill 

kings shall serve themselves of them also. And I will 
recompense them according to their deeds, and according 
to the work of their own hands." Jeremiah xxv. 9 — 14. 

1 will close my references to Scripture examples with 
that of Cyrus. There is a fine contrast between him and 
the king of Babylon. Of the last it was said, " he opened 
not the house of his prisoners ;" but of Cyrus it was fore- 
told, " lie shall build my city, he shall let go my captives, 
not for price or reward, saith the Lord of hosts." We 
find he did this. 

"Thus saith Cyrus: The Lord God of heaven hath 
given me all the kingdoms of the earth. Who is among 
you of all his people I His God be with him, and let him 
go up to Jerusalem which is in Juclah, and build the house 
of the Lord God ; and whosoever remaineth in any place 
where he sojourneth, let the men of his place help him 
with gold and silver and beasts." Isaiah xlv. 13. Ezra 
i. 3. 

It is a singular coincidence that Cyrus, the only heathen 
that is called the " Lord's anointed," should be set forth 
in Scripture as letting "go captives without price or re- 
ward" — as liberating those in bondage; and that Christ 
our Saviour should be described as " anointed to proclaim 
liberty to captives, and the opening of the prison-doors to 
those that were bound, and to proclaim the acceptable year 
of the Lord." 

It ouiiht here to be observed, that the instrumental use 
which God, in many of the above pa-sages, is represented 
as making of man in inflicting judgments on man for his 
sins, does not in the least lessen the sin of man in spoiling, 
oppressing, and enslaving others. The law of God is the 
rule of duty, and not that secret purpose of God, which 
overrules even the crimes of men, and often uses them as 
a rod to punish the wicked. 

When God commands a person to do a particular thing, 
his command justifies him in doing it. The command to 
borrow of the Egyptians, and to destroy the Canaanites, 
justified Israel in so doing. But so far from commanding 
men to injure and oppress and enslave each other, these 
tilings are against the very spirit and tendency of his law ; 
which requires us to do good to all men, and love them as 



112 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ourselves. Men, in inflicting on others those evils which 
God has threatened for their sins, are not more clearly re- 
presented as the instruments of Providence, than as doing 1 
the evil, not from any purpose to please God, but for ends 
of their own. This is often noticed in Scripture. 

" O, Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in 
their hand is my indignation. I will send him against the 
people of my wrath, to take the spoil and the prey, and to 
tread them down as the mire of the streets. Howbeit he 
meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so ; but it is 
in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few — 
wherefore it shall come to pass, when the Lord hath per- 
formed his whole work upon Jerusalem, I will punish the 
fruit of the stout heart of the king of Assyria. Jer. 1. 23. 
li. 20. ha. x. 5—12. 

The Scripture notices the fact, that while men do evil to 
their fellow men in disregard of God's word, they often 
attempt to excuse their conduct by pleading that secret 
purpose and providence of God, which causes their disobe- 
dience to fulfil his will. " Why doth he yet find fault, for 
who hath resisted his will." " All that found them have 
devoured them ; and their adversaries said, We offend 
not, because they have sinned against the Lord, the habi- 
tation of justice. And the captain of the guard (after 
destroying Jerusalem and many of its inhabitants, and 
carrying off the rest for slaves) took Jeremiah, and said unto 
him, the Lord thy God hath pronounced this evil upon 
this place. Now he hath brought it to pass, and done ac- 
cording as he hath said ; because ye have sinned against 
the Lord, and have not obeyed his voice, therefore is this 
thing come upon you." Jer. 1. 7. xl. 2, 3. 

The captain of the guard appears not to have known, or 
to have forgotten, the awful judgments denounced against 
his own country for what he was then doing. She was 
to be recompensed in the same way — to be destroyed, to 
be led captive, to be held in bondage — for doing these 
things to others. For however much they may have sin- 
ned against God, they had done nothing that justified her 
in thus treating them. All those nations who oppressed 
Israel, or oppressed each other, whom God is said to have 
sent against them, to whom he is said to have sold them. 



LETTER IX. 113 

who took them captive, and " held them fast and refused 
to let them go," had, in their turn, the judgments of God 
inflicted on them. 

" All that devour him shall offend, evil shall come upon 
them, saith the Lord. Thus saith the Lord, I am very sore 
displeased with the heathen ; fori was but a little displeased, 
and they helped forward the affliction. Because the Lord 
God of your fathers was wroth with Judah, he delivered 
them into your hands, and ye have slain them in a rage 
that went up to heaven ; and now ye purpose to keep 
under the kingdom of Judah for bond-men and bond-women : 
but are there not with you, even with you, sins against 
God? Now therefore deliver up the captives again, for the 
fierce wrath of the Lord is upon you." Jer. ii. Zach. i. 
2 Citron, xxviii. 

I infer, that oppressing and selling and holding our fellow 
men in slavery is morally wrong, and for tiie plain reason, 
that these things are charged on those nations as sins, and 
punished as such. Where there is no law, there is no trans- 
gression : here was transgression; there must, therefore, 
have been law. Hut it was not a revealed law of God, for 
the heathen had none; nor was it their civil laws, for their 
civil laws allowed them to do thus. It must then have been 
a violation of natural justice and right and equity. Some 
sense of this is common to man. The dictates of natural 
conscience "show the work of the law written in their 
hearts." Balaam, as quoted by the prophet Micah, de- 
clared, that to "do justly and love mercy and walk hum- 
bly with God," was what God required ; and the king of 
Nineveh, in order to escape the threatened judgment, com- 
manded his people "to turn every one from his evil way, 
and from the violence of his hands."* Rom. ii. Jonah ill. 

Yours, &c. 

* Balaam prophesied of Christ. I see no good reason for the 
opinion that he did not utter the sentiment in Micah vi. 5 — 8. as 
the connexion seems clearly to intimate. 
10* 



114 



LETTER X. 



Christian Brethren, 

Let us, in the present letter, sum up the argument from 
the Old Testament against slavery, and notice its bearing 
on the teaching of the New, and our duty as learned 
from both. 

The Scripture relates facts and events, both bad and 
good, as they took place, and often without any statement 
in their relation as to their morality. We cannot of course 
infer that an action was right from the fact that it was done 
by a person of a character on the whole good ; for many 
such have done bad things. This remark is equally ap- 
plicable to conditions in society, and relations which man 
may sustain to man. They are mentioned in the terms in 
common use, and mostly without any remark at the time 
as to their right or wrong. Scripture lays down general 
moral rules — the law of God, loving our neighbour as our- 
selves, and doing as we would be done by, which are to be 
applied to all the conduct of man to man, and all the rela- 
tions they sustain to each other, that the right or wrong, 
the good or evil, may be ascertained. These principles 
are unfolded and carried out into the details of human con- 
duct, by the many precepts, and warnings, and councils, 
and admonitions, and directions of the sacred volume. 

We may farther remark that there are various moral 
terms often used in scripture, some expressing good and 
some bad conduct. They are used as words that need not 
be defined, being generally understood by the great mass 
of society. Of this kind are justice, truth, equity, kind- 
ness, goodness, <fcc. with many others, which when applied 
to any kind of conduct, prove it to be morally good. On 
the other hand injustice, oppression, violence, dealing hard- 
ly, and similar terms, which express moral evil, and when 
applied to the dealing of man to man, prove it wrong. 

Now that a fair and straight-forward and common-sense 
application of the law of " loving our neighbour as our- 
selves," and of " doing as we would be done by," con- 
demns holding our feilow men forcibly in bondage, and 
compelling them to serve without wages, is so plain that I 



LETTER X. 115 

marvel any can doubt it. That slavery is in Scripture 
spoken of as violence and oppression, a hard dealing, and 
affliction, is past dispute. It is therefore morally wrong, 
and a violation of God's law. 

The Mosaic institutions, and the cases of slavery men- 
tioned in Scripture, instead of justifying it, as many have 
supposed, do really agree with the above rule in condemn- 
ing it. The Israelites were not only reminded of their 
own bondage, and charged not to deal thus with others ; 
but were not allowed to retain any servants who did not 
profess the true religion ; and on their doing this, they 
were to own them as brethren, and let them go out free 
after six years. The law that made it death to steal or 
have in possession a stolen man — that giving freedom for 
hard usage — that forbidding them to give up a runaway 
servant — the jubilee law, &c. were additional guards against 
slavery, and showed a care to prevent it. 

The passage in Leviticus xxv. which at first view seems 
to allow it, admits of several explanations on received 
principles of interpretation. 

The Patriarchs had servants, but it is not certain that 
they were slaves, and evidently they were not held in such 
a condition as slaves are among us, and even if they were, 
still that does not make it right, any more than their prac- 
tising polygamy and concubinage makes those things right. 

Israel was often brought into bondage, but always as a 
punishment for their sins ; and when they practised slavery 
they were severely punished for it. Heathen nations were 
punished for enslaving Israel, and for enslaving each other. 

The bearing which this state of things, under the Old 
Testament, was designed to have upon our conduct to- 
wards our fellow men, under the New Testament, seems 
too plain to need much illustration. That it has been by 
so many overlooked or misunderstood is strange, and es- 
pecially that the want of a special condemnation of slavery 
in the New Testament should be construed into a justifi- 
cation of it, is passing strange. 

It can be accounted for only on the principle that we 
account for the old notions that Scripture justified persecu- 
tion, church establishments, and the " divine right of kings 
to govern wrong." People believed these things were so, 



116 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

and not distinguishing between the simple mention of them 
in Scripture and its approbation of them, they found a jus- 
tification of them in passages that really contained no ap- 
probation at all. So persons now, taking it for granted 
that slavery is not wrong, think they find proof of this in 
every passage that speaks of servants. They overlook the 
fact that there may be servants where there are no slaves, 
and seem never to consider those passages and examples 
which condemn as sinful in the sight of God that forced 
condition of servitude called slavery. 

Of the many points that might be adduced in illustration 
of the bearing which the facts and commands of the Old 
Testament, as above brought forward, have on the teaching 
of the New, the following are selected : — 

The rule of moral duty is substantially the same under 
both dispensations. The moral law is that rule. Our 
Lord declares that he " came not to destroy the law and 
the prophets ; that heaven and earth should pass, before 
one jot or tittle of the law should fail." The New Testa- 
ment is full of references to the moral teachings of the Old. 
It constantly refers to it as the word of God, and the rule 
by which mankind are to be judged. Those special pre- 
cepts of the Old Testament, therefore, which forbid bon- 
dage and oppression, and enjoin the duties of justice and 
equity and kindness, are really binding on us. 

To this we must add, that the moral teaching of the 
Scriptures is illustrated and enforced by the dealings of 
God towards mankind, according as their conduct was 
good or evil. A record is made of these dispensa- 
tions, and we are assured " that they happened for en- 
samples, and were written for our admonition." The 
destruction of the old world by the waters of a flood 
proves God's hatred of that violence and corruption of 
morals with which the world was then filled; and the fires 
which destroyed Sodom and Gomorrah equally prove 
God's hatred of the vices practised by those cities. All 
will admit this. Now, on the very same principle, the 
judgments of God on Egypt at the time of Moses, and 
those on Judah under Zedekiah. and those on Assyria and 
Babylon, and the other nations, as noticed in my last letter, 
prove God's hatred of oppression and slavery, for which 



LETTER X. 117 

they were sent. It may, I think, be safely said, that there 
is no breach of the second table of the law, no sinful con- 
duct of man towards man, which God by more examples 
has shown to be evil in his sight, than slavery. If any 
one doubt this, let him look over the examples adduced, 
and others of a similar kind, and compare them with the 
examples he may be able to find of God's hatred of any 
other hard dealing of man towards his fellow man. 

I next remark, that while the moral law is really the 
same under both dispensations, and while all its teachings 
and illustrations in the Old are equally binding under the 
New Testament, the spirituality of the law, as well as its 
universality, is more fully set forth in the New than in the 
Old Testament. While an object remains precisely the 
same, we may see it much more clearly under the blaze of 
day, than in the gloom of twilight. The sixth command- 
ment, "Thou shalt not kill," is really the same in the 
Old as in the New Testament, yet we have no statement 
of its spirituality in the Old that equals the following in 
the New: " Whosoever is angry with his brother without 
a cause shall be in danger of the judgment; whosoever 
hateth his brother is a murderer." The same may be 
said of the seventh : " Whosoever looketh on a woman to 
lust after her hath committed adultery with her already in 
his heart. Whosoever shall put away his wife, saving for 
the cause of fornication, causeth her to commit adultery; 
and whoso marrieth her that is put away, committeth 
adultery." Every part of the law, it is true, is not thus 
unfolded in its spirituality ; nor was it needful that it 
should. It is done in a sufficient number of cases to es- 
tablish and illustrate the general principle. 

The universality of the law, as embracing all mankind, 
and binding us to love all men as ourselves, and perform 
all the duties of kindness and well-doing to them, is made 
equally plain. The moral law did in fact always require 
this. And loving others as themselves — yea, thus loving 
the stranger, was expressly enjoined on Israel. There 
were, however, many things in the Mosaic rites, which 
were designed to keep Israel, as God's visible people, 
from such an intercourse with idolaters as might en- 
danger their religion and morals. These rites taken in 



118 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

connection with the fact, that God made use of Israel as 
an instrument to destroy the idolatrous Canaanites, were 
construed by Israel into a permission to hate all people but 
their own. The word neighbour not being defined in the 
command, they took it to mean their own people ; and 
considered the command to love them, as implying that 
they might hate all others. This limitation of the com- 
mand was wholly unauthorized ; and, not to mention 
other facts, the command " to love the stranger as them- 
selves," was sufficient to have shown this. 

Our Lord corrected this perversion of the law : " Ye 
have heard it said, Thou shaltlove thy neighbour, and hate 
thine enemy. But I say unto you, love your enemies ; 
bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you." 

It is not necessary to quote the many passages which 
agree with the above, and go directly to show, that as God 
hath " made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all 
the face of the earth," so he hath made it the duty of all 
to regard each other as of the same brotherhood, and love 
them as themselves. All must recollect the peculiar force 
and beauty, with which our Lord set this forth, in the 
parable of the good Samaritan. The very point was 
brought up to him by the question, " ivho is my neigh- 
bour?" in an attempt to evade the obligation to love all 
others as themselves. Our Lord in answer, spoke that 
parable ; and having in it brought together the Jew and the 
Samaritan, the two people that, under the sun, at that time, 
had the most bitter prejudice against each other; and hav- 
ing set forth the disinterested kindness of the Samaritan to 
the Jew, when his own Levite and Priest had neglected 
him, he put back the question, " Which now was neigh- 
bour to him who fell among the thieves?" The correct an- 
swer could not be mistaken: " He that showed mercy on 
him." "Go" says our Lord, " and do thou likewise." 
A more beautiful and forcible illustration of the law of love, 
both as to its universality and obligation, never was given, 
and cannot be conceived. 

The Mosaic ritual, through their misapprehension of its 
intent and use, appears to have been to the Jews the great 
occasion of their error, in limiting the law of love to their 
own people. This ritual was fulfilled by Christ, and is 



LETTER X. 119 

done away under the New Testament ; and this occasion 
of error is removed. But more than this. The error itself 
was combated again and again, by our Lord and his apos- 
tles. The middle wall of partition was declared to be 
taken down, Jew and Gentile made one, and the whole 
question placed in so many points of light, so often dis- 
cussed and decided, that he must be sceptical indeed who 
still can doubt. 

The case of slavery as a moral question, and as a prac- 
tice in the church, was as well settled,, and stood on the 
same ground as the Sabbath, devoting children to God, 
contributing to the support of religion, attending public 
worship, praying to God in families, and many such things. 

None of these have much said about them in the New 
Testament. They are clearly appointed in the Old : the 
New refers to them as things existing. It takes for granted 
that the authority of the Old, which it constantly asserts, 
has settled these points. The morality of slavery stands 
on the same ground. Its evil is as fully set forth in the 
Old, both by precept and example. When in this state of 
the question, we read the New, I see not how any can 
doubt, that much, very much of its teachings go directly 
to condemn slavery. 

We have not only the general spirit and tendency of the 
law, and those many special applications of it, made to the 
Jews and others respecting slavery, but we have the 
greater light of the New Testament, by which to read 
them. While all the commands given to Israel, when 
taken together, and fairly interpreted, allowed but a very 
limited servitude ; they were still more strict in prevent- 
ing the bondage of their own people. Now, what the Jew 
might not do to his brother Jew, we may not do to any 
of the brotherhood of man. Those commands, and warn- 
ings, and remonstrances against enslaving each other; and 
those judgments of God upon them for doing it, are fully 
as applicable to the case of our holding negroes in slavery, 
as a thousand things in the history of Israel, which, by 
common consent, are considered as applicable in their 
general instruction to mankind now. 

The very spirit of the gospel is one of kindness, and 
love, and well doing. As a dispensation of God towards 



120 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

us, these attributes shine forth in every part of it. And its 
language towards us is, " be ye followers of God." We are 
to forgive others, as we hope to be forgiven. We are to 
do good for evil, as God does to us. We are to be kind 
and compassionate to our fellow men, while we seek for 
compassion, and all good things, at the hand of God. 

Now, holding our fellow men in the hardest of all con- 
ditions, and compelling them to serve us without wages, 
and at the sacrifice of their own happiness, and all for no 
fault, is wholly of another spirit than that which the gos- 
pel manifests towards us, or requires at our hands. 

The spirit of the gospel is beautifully set forth in that 
prophecy which declares the objects for which Christ was 
anointed and set apart as our Saviour. " The Spirit of the 
Lord God is upon me, because the Lord hath anointed me 
to preach good tidings to the meek : He hath sent me to 
bind up the broken-hearted, to proclaim deliverance to the 
captives, and the opening of the prison-doors to them that 
are bound ; to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord, to 
comfort all that mourn." That this has a primary refer- 
ence to spiritual blessings, is readily admitted. Temporal 
blessings, however, are not excluded. As temporal evils 
and deliverances from them are here used to set forth spi- 
ritual things, so Christ, during his ministry, while fulfilling 
this prophecy, pitied and relieved those under them. He 
literally made the lame to leap as an hart, caused the 
tongue of the dumb to sing, the blind to see out of obscu- 
rity, and the leper to be clean. The example of Christ, 
and the spirit of his gospel do, in their whole tenor, 
oppose and condemn slavery. 

The New Testament classes slavery among those hard 
dealings of man towards man, which are contrary to the 
law of love, and sinful in the sight of God. "For ye suf- 
fer it, if a man bring you into bondage, (or hold you in 
bondage,) if a man devour you, if a man take of you, if a 
man smite you on the face."* Here being reduced to 
slavery, or held in it, is classed with being plundered and 
spoiled and buffeted. The primitive Christians were 
often exposed to these evils, and bore them patiently for 

2 Cor. xi. 20. 



LETTER X. 121 

Christ's sake. Not only is slavery classed with them, but 
placed first. To infer that because they patiently bore 
spoiling and buffeting, that therefore those committed no 
sin who thus treated them, would be considered by all as 
a most unwarranted conclusion ; and yet not a few reason 
thus respecting slavery. It deserves a remark, that the 
original word in this place is not AouXoi, (douloi), which 
means to make a servant; but KarouSouXoi, (katadouloi), to 
make a slave — to reduce to that condition, which we insist 
is contrary to the spirit of the Gospel, the law of love, and 
the moral bearings of the Scripture, both in the Old and 
New Testament. 

The apostle James (iii. 9.) mentions it not only as a sin, 
but as a sin of peculiar aggravation, that men cursed their 
fellow men, " who were made in the i-imi/iticde of God" 
It showed an awful irreverence and ungodliness to curse 
what bore God's inuig°. 

If bearing God's image made it thus sinful to curse man, 
does not the same reason make it peculiarly improper — 
yea, irreverent towards God, to hold men in absolute slave- 
ry? What! hold in slavery a being that was made in the 
image of God? 

Add to this that masters are commanded to " render or 
give to servants what is just and equal; and to remember 
that they have a Master in heaven, who is no respecter 
of persons." Now what is just and equal between man 
and man? By what rule is it to be measured? No doubt, 
by the moral law — the law of love, the rule of doing as we 
would be done by. Self-love would lead all masters to 
think it very hard to be held in slavery for no crime, and 
very unjust and unequal for any thus to treat them. Of 
course, the rule of justice and equity requires that they 
should not deprive others of that freedom, which, in their 
own case, they so highly prize. 

Take another case. The apostle, in exhorting Chris- 
tians to contentment and submission to the providence of 
God, gives it as a general rule, that they should remain in 
the condition or calling in which the Gospel found them, 
and not be given to change. He instances several cases, 
and among others, that of servants. He tells them, not to 
let the fact that they are in a state of servitude make them 

11 



122 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

discontented; but at the same time, directs them to obtain 
their freedom if they can, and gives as a reason for this 
direction — " ye are bought with a price, be not therefore 
the servants of man." This passage has so evidently a 
reference to a passage in Leviticus, that it may well pass 
for a quotation. " For to me the children of Israel are ser- 
vants : they are my servants whom I brought out of 
Egypt — they shall not be sold as bond-men." 

It was a rule under the Old Testament, that from their 
relation to God, it was unlawful for any to hold God's peo- 
ple in slavery. The apostle here appeals to this rule, as 
making it the duty of the servant to obtain his freedom if 
he could. As many of them, however, might have masters 
who had no regard for God's word, who were Pagans, and 
who would not give them freedom — the apostle advises 
them, in such cases, to submit to their hard lot — to glorify 
God by patiently enduring evil, and do nothing that might 
cause " the way of truth to be evil spoken of." The 
whole case, taken together, shows clearly, that the apos- 
tle considered the condition of the slave a hard one ; and 
one which the law of love condemned. 

Some may perhaps think, that if these principles had 
been intended to have this bearing on this case, the apos- 
tles would in so many words have wholly forbid the prac- 
tice of slavery. 

In reply to this it may be asked, why did they not, 
when treating of marriage, wholly forbid polygamy and 
concubinage ? They prevailed much at that time. Why 
did they not forbid games, plays, gladiator shows, and 
many such things? Why did they not directly enjoin the 
observance of the Sabbath, attending public worship, the 
baptism of children, with many such things ? The most of 
these were plainly taught in the Old Testament, and its 
authority is constantly recognized; and in the Old Testa- 
ment the evil of slavery is fully set forth. Their hearers 
are supposed to be acquainted with the teaching of the Old 
Testament, to be obedient to it, and to infer their duty 
from it. 1 Cor. x. 1 — 13. 

There is reason to believe that the primitive Christians 
did thus apply the principles of the Old and New Testa- 
ment to the case of slavery. We have not much, it is I 



LETTER X. 123 

true, that bears on this case. Nor have we much in their 
writings that bears on the question of the Sabbath, their 
devoting children to God in baptism, their taking no part 
in plays, gladiator shows, the amusement of the theatre, 
&c. There are, however, some passages in their writ- 
ings which show their high regard for personal liberty, and 
deep solicitude that others should enjoy it. 

" We know how many among ourselves," says St. 
Clement, in his epistle to the Corinthians, " have given up 
themselves unto bonds, that thereby they might free others 
from them. Others have sold themselves into bondage, 
that they might free their brethren with the price of them- 
selves." 

The churches of Armida not only raised all the money 
they could, but sold the plate and furniture of their 
churches, and redeemed seven thousand Persians, who 
were offered for sale by the Romans ; and set them free, 
and sent them home to their people. 

Sindonites, a zealous Christian, was set free twice on 
being instrumental in converting his master. See Cave's 
primitive Christianity. 

The primitive Christians were accustomed, it is said, to 
take up collections weekly, and apply them to redeem per- 
sons Irom slavery, and especially their brethren. Their 
kindness to the poor was so notorious, that Julian ascribed 
their success in spreading the Gospel mainly to it. This 
gave them great favour with the lower classes, many of 
whom were in slavery. 

Yours, &c. 



124 



LETTER XI. 



Christian Brethren,* 

There are many other points of view in which the incon- 
sistency of slavery with the spirit of the Gospel forces 
itself on our attention. Several of them I beg leave to notice. 

It must necessarily happen, that much oppression and 
hard dealing will take place under a system which subjects 
one class of persons to such an extent to the uncontrolled 
power of another. The man who believes the Scripture 
account of human nature, or who has to any practical pur- 
pose looked back upon its past history or abroad upon 
its present population, will not need to have the point 
argued before him. He must see in all the guards of so- 
ciety, in all the protections for person and property, in all 
the securities of civil government, proof of the evils man is 
liable to from man. 

I am far from charging slave-holders generally with cruel 
or harsh dispositions. Many of the finest examples of 
kindly and benevolent feeling that I have ever known, 
were slave-holders. Add to this their hospitable, generous, 
and liberal dispositions, and more excellent specimens of 
human nature can perhaps nowhere be found. That the 
slave does, in the treatment he receives, experience, to a 
great extent, the effects of these amiable traits of character, 
is unquestionable. All the accounts which I have heard, and 
all my observation, satisfies me, that a great melioration has 
taken place in the general treatment of slaves ; and I have 
no doubt, that this kindness of feeling with respect to slaves, 
connected with the impression that their case is a hard 
one — that they have not the proper inducements to indus- 
try and faithfulness, that they are wholly in the. power of 
the master, leads many slave-holders to indulge their 
slaves and wink at their faults, to the injury of the tempo- 
ral interests of the masters, and not to the benefit of the 
slave. I have often heard slave-holders say, and I had no 
reason to doubt their statement, that their slaves did not 

* This and the following- letter are, with various alterations s 
taken from an essay by the author. 



LETTER XI. 125 

clear charges — that they were positively bringing them in 
debt. But what can we do, said they ? We must have 
servants. We dislike to part with those that have long 
been in the family, and we try to get along with them 
as well as we can. I have often heard them apologize for 
the idleness and negligence of slaves. Poor creatures, 
they would say, we ought not to expect as much of them 
as if they were working for themselves. Idle as they are, 
we at times wonder they do as well, considering their 
situation. 

I have repeatedly had occasion to remark, that Europe- 
an and northern men, when they had to manage slaves, 
have complained more, and, if I mistake not, exacted more 
labour, and used more compulsory means in doing it, than 
the better class of persons raised as slave-holders. This 
is easily accounted for. They have been used to free 
labourers ; who, the world over, do more work, ar.d do it 
better, and with less trouble to the employer, than can be 
had from slaves. Their ideas of a reasonable portion of 
labour is taken from what they have seen done — perhaps 
done themselves ; and knowing that it can be done, and is 
done, when the labourer inclines to do it, they feel strong- 
ly disposed to exact it, or complain much if it be not done: 
while the person accustomed to slave-labour, gets habitu- 
ated to expect little, and complains less, and uses fewer 
compulsory means to exact that little, than the other does 
to get double the amount. 

The female department furnishes some of the best 
illustrations of this matter. A female, accustomed to free 
servants, will, with the aid of one woman and a small boy 
or girl, or at most two women, manage the concerns of a 
large family, and have everything done in its proper time 
and place, and all as neat as a bandbox. But let her be 
transplanted into a slave-holding community, and have to 
carry on the same operations with slaves ; and she will 
have double the difficulty and vexation in effecting it with 
her cook, washer-woman and house-maid and nurse, and 
perhaps two or three nondescripts into the bargain. 

With all the above admissions, and many more that 
need not be detailed, it is still true that there is, and while 
human nature remains what it is, there will be, much op- 
11* 



126 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

pression and hard dealing towards slaves. The very cir- 
cumstance of degradation and entire dependence of the 
slave, which on humane and generous minds excite pity 
and kindness, often operates differently on minds of a con- 
trary cast. The unkind, the unfeeling, the fault-finding, 
the cruel, the selfish, the passionate, yea, that whole class 
of persons, in whom the evil passions predominate over 
the good, have, in their slaves, objects on which these dis- 
positions may be daily employed. There are many ways 
in which those bad passions may be excited. The whole 
employment of the slave having a relation to the ease, in- 
terest, or credit of the master, must constantly call into 
action those dispositions with which he regards those va- 
rious interests ; and if those feelings be not satisfied, the 
slave is liable to feel the consequences. And even with 
those that, on the whole, are kind to their slaves, things 
often take place, that may go far to make the life of the 
slave miserable. There are often, with good people, pe- 
culiarities of disposition, which are a torment to those 
about them — a fretfulness, a peevishness, a fault-finding, 
which sleeps only when the possessor sleeps. No harm 
is meant, but still it is a thorn in the flesh. Husbands at 
times show it towards their wives, and wives towards their 
husbands ; parents towards their children, and children to- 
wards their parents. In these cases there are the checks 
of natural affection, character, standing, &c. ; but the poor 
slave is exposed to the same without these checks, he can- 
not fly from them, he must not even complain. 

It is a great evil of slavery, and shows in a strong point 
of light how unnatural it is, that on the one hand it de- 
prives the slave of the proper inducements to industry, and 
on the other, frees the master from the needful checks to 
his evil passions. It gives the slave no interest in the 
fruit of his labour; he does not work for himself, his wife 
and children, but for the benefit of others. It is not in hu- 
man nature to believe and toil without a motive. Deprive 
a man of those proper for him, his own interest and the 
interest of those that are a part of himself, and he will be 
like a watch without a main spring. Other motives, as 
force or fear, may be substituted, but they will not operate 
as the former would. And where they do set the slave to 



LETTER XI. 127 

work, they cannot give him a heart for it. The same 
amount of labour is more oppressive to the slave than to 
the free. 

On the other hand, the master exacts labour from the 
slave for his own benefit ; and under such a system, he 
will ever be liable to seek his own interest at the expense 
of hard dealing to the slave. If any difficulty be met with, 
if any of the bad passions be excited, if the slave do not so 
act as to satisfy, there is danger of passion being indulged 
with little regard to the feelings of the slave. 

In the case of hired servants there is a safeguard. Hard 
usage, undue demands, unreasonable requisitions, evil tem- 
pers, &c, are restrained by the fact that the servant is not 
more dependent on the master for employment, than the 
master is on the servant to labour for him. The hired 
servant has the proper motives for industry, his own bene- 
fit ; and the master has the proper check on his disposi- 
tion, his own interest. Slavery inverts the whole case, 
and instead of placing things on the ground of a just reci- 
procity — instead of the inducements and checks proper for 
human nature, so arranges things that both master and 
slave must suffer. 

Some allege that public sentiment is a sufficient restraint 
on the master, and gives a sufficient protection to the slave. 
That it does much, is admitted, but not that it is sufficient. 
It is not sufficient between the masters themselves, where 
it has tenfold more force. Such is the general feeling to- 
wards slaves, that conduct towards them will hardly be 
noticed, which, if to a white man, would produce no little 
scandal ; and yet, with this greater protection from pub- 
lic sentiment, masters would think it a great grievance to 
have no other for their persons, families and property. 
Such ought in consistency to own that it is not a sufficient 
protection for the slave. To claim one rule for ourselves, 
and say another is sufficient for the slave, is to have ' in 
the bag divers weights, which is an abomination to the 
Lord." 

All who are acquainted with negro slavery know, that 
there are many cases in which the condition of the slave 
is most hard, where the labour is severe and oppressive, 
the food and clothing both in kind and quantity not what 



128 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

it ought to be ; where the labours and toils of life seldom 
meet with any compensation, or even approbation, and 
where, as to his spiritual concerns, it may emphatically be 
said, "no man cares for his soul," and where all these 
personal evils are embittered by the galling reflection, this 
is the doom of my kindred, it awaits my children and my 
children's children for generations to come. 

Where oppressions, and injuries, and wrongs, are the 
natural results of a system, it is not enough that we our- 
selves do not oppress. We are bound by the laws of love, 
and mercy, and justice, to do all we can to put an end to 
it. "Be ye not partakers with them." If we refuse to 
aid in removing it, we are accountable in the sight of high 
heaven for neglect of duty, and will not stand clear of a 
participation in the guilt of said oppressions and wrongs. 

But oppressions and wrongs, although highly offensive 
to God, are not the only evils resulting from slavery. 
There are others equally, perhaps more, crying. It is a 
hateful feature of the present system of slavery, that it 
gives no protection to family connections— to the marriage 
relation, or to female purity. The slave is held as pro- 
perty, and may be sold, or given away, or disposed of by 
will ; and, life and limb excepted, be treated as other 
property. 

Occasionally, the husband and wife belong to the same 
person, and live together; much more frequently, how- 
ever, they belong to different owners, and see each other 
more or less frequently, according to their distance apart, 
and the time allowed them for that purpose. Their mar- 
riages are not recognized or protected by law. The rea- 
son no doubt is, that this might interfere with the right of 
property in the master. If the law protected the marriages, 
it might at times prevent sales and transfers of slave- 
property. 

Some slaves have, indeed, a marriage ceremony per- 
formed. It is, however, usually done by one of their fiwn 
colour, and of course is not a legal transaction. And if 
done by a person legally authorized to perform marriages, 
still it would have no authority, because the law does not 
recognize marriage among slaves, so as to clothe it with 
the rights and immunities which it wears among citizens. 



LETTER XI. 129 

The owner of either party might, the next day or hour, 
break up the connection in any way he pleased. In fact, 
their connections have no protection, and are so often 
broken up by sales and transfers and removals, that they 
are by the slaves often called "taking up together." 
The sense of marriage fidelity must be greatly weakened, 
if not wholly destroyed, by such a state of things. The 
effect is most disastrous. 

But there is another circumstance which deserves our 
notice. What effect is likely to be produced on the mo- 
rals of the whites, from having about them, and under 
their absolute authority, female slaves who are deprived of 
the strongest motives to purity, and exposed to peculiar 
temptations to opposite conduct ! The condition of female 
slaves is such, that promises and threatenings and manage- 
ment can hardly fail to conquer them. They are entirely 
dependent on their master. They have no way to make 
a shilling, to procure any article they need. Like all poor 
people they are fond of finery, and wish to imitate those 
who are above them. What, now, are not presents and 
kind treatment, or the reverse, if they are not complying, 
likely to effect on such persons ? And the fact that their 
children, should they have any through such intercourse, 
may expect better treatment from so near relations, may 
have its influence. That the vice prevails to a most shame- 
ful extent is proved from the rapid increase of mulattoes. 
Oh, how many have fallen before this temptation: so 
many, that it has almost ceased to be a shame to fall ! Oh, 
how many parents may trace the impiety and licentious- 
ness and shame of their prodigal sons, to the temptations 
found in the female slaves of their own or neighbours' 
households. Irregular habits are thus formed, which often 
last through life. And many a lovely and excellent wo- 
man, confiding in vows of affection and fidelity, trusting 
to her power over her devoted lover, has, after uniting her 
fate with his, and giving him all that a woman has to give, 
found when too late how incorrigible are those habits of 
roving desire, formed in youth, and kept alive by the 
temptations and facilities of the slave system. 

Now when we read the repeated declarations that "for- 
nicators and adulterers shall not inherit the kingdom of 



130 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

God ;" and call to mind the teaching of our Lord, that 
all intercourse between the sexes, except what takes place 
between one man and one woman in marriage faith, 
amounts to those crimes ; how can we, as believers in 
Christianity, uphold a system which presents this tempta- 
tion both to the bond and free, and yet escape a participa- 
tion in the guilt ? 

I notice as another evil of slavery, that it is hostile to 
that instruction of slaves, which, if not absolutely neces- 
sary, is exceedingly important to their salvation. The 
policy of most slave-owners is to keep their slaves in ig- 
norance. This often extends to religious matters. Very 
little attention is paid to instructing them in religion. 
Neither is this peculiar to the irreligious part of the com- 
munity. You must all admit that many professors of re- 
ligion pay almost no attention to this matter ; and not one 
in five hundred pays as much attention as he feels bound 
to pay in the case of his own children. But few teach 
their slaves to read God's word, and how few are careful 
to have it read to them. How many heads of families, 
who would think themselves greatly neglectful of the sal- 
vation of their children, if they did not pray with and for 
them, and take them to the house of God, almost wholly 
neglect these matters as regards their slaves ? They may, 
perhaps, occasionally tell some of their slaves that they 
ought to attend preaching ; but what facilities do they give 
them for attending? Their slaves have laboured all the 
week, and are, it may be, from four to ten miles from the 
place of preaching — must be at home that evening or early 
next morning — have, perhaps, no clothes fit to be seen in — 
may wish to see a wife, or husband, or child, who lives in 
an opposite direction — have no time for this but on the 
Sabbath. The slave is blamed for not attending preaching. 
He may deserve blame ; but taking the whole case into 
view, the fault does not altogether lie on the slave. The 
master who holds him in slavery, who requires his con- 
stant labours, is often justly chargeable in the sight of God 
with the irreligion of his slaves ; and that many a profes- 
sor of religion will at last have a fearful reckoning on this 
matter, I have no more doubt than I have that we have a 
Master in Heaven, " who is no respecter of persons." 



LETTER XI. 131 

It is often said, and not without reason, that there is a 
growing indisposition among slaves to worship with their 
masters, and attend on the preaching of the whites. It is 
by some ascribed to stubbornness and perverseness in the 
slaves. Far be it from me to say that slaves are not 
to be blamed for this. To worship and serve God is a duty 
so important, that nothing unpleasant in the circumstances 
of the duty, or the person officiating, or the company of 
worshippers, can justify its neglect. While this is admit- 
ted, truth at the same time requires me to say, that if the 
prejudices of the slave against worshipping with the whites 
or attending their preaching, grow out of a system, which, 
in a change of circumstances, would produce similar pre- 
judices in the minds of any other body of men ; then much 
of the blame lies on the system, and its supporters cannot, 
in the sight of impartial Heaven, stand clear of a partici- 
pation in the guilt. 

Now that this prejudice in slaves, against worshipping 
with the whites, may be traced mainly to the system of 
slavery is to me most certain. The relation between the 
master and the slave is not one of mutual agreement, in 
which there is a quid pro quo, a stipulated service for a 
stipulated reward ; but one of force on the part of the mas- 
ter, and hard necessity on the part of the slave. It is ab- 
solute authority on the one part, and necessary submission 
on the other ; and as life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness, are sell-evidently unalienable rights, so the love of 
them is inlaid in our natures, and lives and dies with us. 

That slaves should think their case hard, is as natural 
as that they should think at all; and that this should lead 
to hard thoughts of those who forcibly hold them in bon- 
dage, is equally natural. That harsh usage, unkind treat- 
ment, and frequent fault-finding, on the part of masters 
(and what the master thinks reasonable may to the slave 
have this appearance,) should greatly increase these hard 
thoughts, is one of the most natural things in the world. 
It could not, humanly speaking, be otherwise. That most 
slaves are disposed to complain of their situation — that 
they do complain when comparing notes with each other, 
will hardly be questioned by those who have paid much 
attention to the subject. Now with this general feeling of 



132 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

discontent at the whites, is it at all wonderful that slaves 
should have little relish for joining them in religious wor- 
ship ? 

Suppose the master a professor of religion and prays in 
his family. After labouring during the day, the slave 
comes home and throws himself down to rest. He was 
called out, it may be, pretty early — has laboured under the 
eye of a watchful master or overseer — has been found fault 
with as to his manner of doing his work, or his not doing 
it faster — has been scolded and threatened, and perhaps 
whipped — has made his meal, it may be, in the field, and 
on provisions much inferior to what he knows his master 
and family enjoy. His labours for the day are, however, 
closed. Presently he hears the horn blow or the bell ring 
for prayers. What now are the thoughts which would 
most likely pass through the mind of a slave of no decided 
religious feelings. Ah, the white folks are going to be re- 
ligious now ; master is going to pray. He takes his ease 
all day, and makes us poor negroes do his work. He is 
always finding fault, and scolding and whipping us. I 
don't think his prayers will do much good — I won't go to 
prayers. 

Their aversion to attend family prayers is so common 
as to be the subject of frequent remark. I think nine 
times out of ten, few attend even in professors' houses, 
except the house-servants, and not unfrequently they slip 
out of the house when the family assembles for prayer. 
Similar feelings operate against their worshipping publicly 
among the whites. This is the greater evil as few of them 
are prepared to instruct their fellows ; and even their as- 
semblies for that purpose, are discouraged as dangerous. 

Any race of people placed in the same situation would 
be affected in the same way. Taking human nature as it 
now is, it could not well be otherwise. It is the natural 
result of slavery on such creatures as we are. A sense of 
injury will produce feelings of dislike and opposition. It 
will "beget distrust in the religion of the master. It will 
produce prejudice against the religion which he professes. 

When the attempt was made to force the rites and forms of 
Episcopacy on the Scots, and oblige the Puritans to read their 
prayers, wear the gown and bands, kneel at the sacrament, 



LETTER XI. 133 

and attend the Episcopal service, they would have suffered 
their ears to be cut oft, and their heads into the bargain, 
rather than comply. The very attempt excited most de- 
cided opposition against the whole establishment. 

Most of you have probably heard of the dying man, 
who, when inquired of as to his hopes of getting to Hea- 
ven, asked if such a man, his enemy, was in heaven? and 
on being answered, it was hoped he was, replied that in 
that case he had no wish to go there — that it was no place 
for him. Whether the anecdote be true or not, it has 
much of human nature in it, especially of human nature 
in its unrenewed state. 

Now I put it to you, in the sight and fear of God, how 
you ran uphold a system, which, in addition to all its other 
evils, operates so directly against the salvation of souls ? 
" Wo to the world because of offences" — " wo to that 
man by whom they come." 

To perpetuate such a system for the sake of gain, for 
the sake of making fortunes for your children, how awful 
the thought ! On what does the life, and comfort, and sal- 
vation of your child depend ? Is it not on the grace and 
mercy of God ? And what reason have you to expect that 
mercy, while you deal thus hardly with the slave ? Re- 
member the word, " with what measure ye mete, it shall 
be measured to you again." 

Yours, &e. 



12 



134 



LETTER XII. 



Christian Brethren, 

There is another evil growing out of the present sys- 
tem of slavery, which, taken alone, ought to induce all to 
give it up, or use all their influence to have it wholly 
changed — I mean the internal traffic carried on in slaves. 

Most persons, I suppose, agree in condemning the slave- 
trade, as carried on from the coast of Africa, The injus- 
tice, the cruelty, the abominations, that attend it, are con- 
demned by all. And yet it may be asked, wherein is it 
worse than the slave-trade carried on among us ? Who that 
lives on a public road, who that attends a court-house, who 
that visits any place of trade, in the slave-holding States, 
that has not seen negroes bought and sold like any other 
kinds of property, and drove in gangs along the public 
roads, and often in chains ? Who does not know that hun- 
dreds of thousands of dollars are employed in this trade ? 
That vessels run constantly from the Middle to the South- 
western States, loaded with slaves 1 And that many men 
of high standing in society, are interested in the traffic ? 
Who does not know that in this trade, little or no regard 
is paid to the nearest and dearest relations in life? That 
the husband and wife, the parent and child, are separated 
without hesitation, when a better bargain can in that way 
be obtained ? Who does not know that one of the common 
modes both of selling and hiring, is to set them up to the 
highest bidder ? 

Many say they abhor the business of the negro-trader, 
and cannot respect the man who follows it. Too hard a 
name can hardly be given to the nefarious traffic; and 1 
could wish that a hundred-fold more abhorrence were felt t 
for the man that follows it. I doubt, however, whether it 
will be stopped, while the present system of slavery con- 
tinues. While slaves are held as absolute property, there 
will be a trade in that property ; and while a trade is attend- 
ed with such a profit as attends the slave-trade to the 
South, we may expect it to go on, and with much of that 
unfeelingness and disregard to family ties, which now 
attend it. No passion is more unfeeling than avarice — 
" the love of money is the root of all evil." 



LETTER XII. 135 

Those who have hearts to feel for a fellow creature's woes 
and a fellow creature's wrongs, ought to give all their influ- 
ence, either wholly to put an end to slavery, or so to change 
its leading features as to prevent those enormous evils which 
now spring from it ; and they ought never to forget that one 
of our most efficient ways of doing good, is to give to the 
cause of truth and duty the influence of a good example. 
There are, no doubt, thousands of cases in which real injury 
would result both to the slave and to the owner, from at 
once breaking up the relation, and letting the slave go out 
free. Experience has proved, that in a large number of 
cases, evil has resulted from premature liberation. The 
laws, also, in many of the States present peculiar difficul- 
ties to emancipation. The emancipated slave, without 
regard to his family relations, is obliged immediately to 
leave the State, or to forfeit his freedom. The poverty of 
the liberated slave, his ignorance, his want of a habit of 
managing for himself, &c, may and often do, lead to more 
Buffering and more vice, than compensates for the boon of 
freedom, in the circumstances in which it is given. All 
this being admitted, and we are in duty bound to give it 
its due weight, when considering the question of duty in 
this matter, still it is true, and must be true, that we are 
on the other hand, bound to give to the cause of freedom, 
the aid of a wise, prudent, and good example. Slave- 
holders, as individuals, ought to take such a course with 
their slaves as will, as soon as possible, fit them for the 
enjoyment of freedom, and then set them free. Many 
things ought, of course, to be taken into the account, in 
deciding at what time each slave ought to be freed ; their 
habits, relations, turn for managing for themselves, their 
prospects for doing well, either at home or abroad. 

This is plainly one of those cases in which we ought 
to count on making some sacrifices. The practice of 
slavery is wrong, the customs of society are wrong, the 
practice of the church is wrong, the laws of the land are 
wrong. Now, to correct the wrong in all these respects 
will require us to give up, more or less, not what the law 
of God, but what the laws of the land and the customs of 
society, allow us to retain. 



136 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

When we compare the practice of the church respecting 
slavery, with its practice respecting the fashionable amuse- 
ments of dancing, balls, horse-racing, gambling, attending 
the theatres, &c, I know not how we can avoid seeing 
the inconsistency. Most professors condemn these amuse- 
ments, and think it much out of character for members of 
the church to engage in them. "Whether engaging in them 
would, in all our churches, be considered a proper matter 
for church-discipline, I know not : but I feel assured that 
it would be considered as not very consistent with a pro- 
fession of religion. 

Some of you may possibly recollect an incident that 
took place while I was among you. 

A dancing-master came into the neighbourhood to en- 
gage a school, wishing to secure a good reception among 
a people reputed pious, he brought letters introducing him 
as a "pious dancing-master." Had he been introduced 
as a little-big man, a long-short man, or white-black man, 
I question whether it would have sounded more strange to 
many of you. Some were not a little amused at it: and 
again and again did I hear " pious dancing-master" re- 
peated with roars of laughter. 

And yet it may be asked, is there really an absolute in- 
compatibility between dancing and religion? Might not 
a person with as good a conscience follow dancing for a 
livelihood, as to hold his fellow-creatures in bondage, and 
live on the proceeds of their labour? I can certainly con- 
ceive of a person reasoning on the case, and coming to the 
conclusion, that dancing was in various respects more con- 
sistent with piety, than the common practice of slave- 
holding. 

Were the advocates for fashionable amusements to ask 
you why it was wrong to join in a dance, to attend a ball, 
go to a horse-race, or take their families to the theatre ; 
were they to ask for the passages of Scripture that con- 
demned each of these things, — you would possibly find 
some difficulty in getting passages that would fully sa- 
tisfy them. You would probably answer them, that it was 
true these follies were not in so many words named and 
condemned, but that those passages of Scripture which 
command us not to " be conformed to the world," to 



LETTER XII. 137 

"come out and be separate," to "go not in the way of 
temptation," to "shun the appearance of evil," &c, were 
against these things. You would most likely dwell on the 
fact, that they tend to draw off the mind from religion, and 
produce and strengthen feelings that are at war with the 
interests of the soul; that they beget vanity, love of the 
world, a fondness for show and display, that they lead to 
lasciviousness and sensuality, and tend to hardness of 
heart and disregard for the rights of others. 

I readily admit all this. Those amusements do so 
naturally oppose the spirit of the gospel, that persons who 
have a care for souls and the interests of religion, ought, 
however unpopular the duty, and however much reproach 
it may draw on them, use their influence to discountenance 
them. 

Now compare these amusements and their effects, with 
slavery and its effects. Compare them as to the Scrip- 
tures which condemn them directly, or condemn their prin- 
ciple, or condemn them on account of their tendency to 
evil. You must admit that not many if any of those 
amusements are, in so many words, named and condemned 
in Scripture. They must, if condemned at all, be con- 
demned by applying to them some of the general rules 
given us in Scripture for regulating our conduct. Several 
of them have been noticed above. Now are there not 
general rules given us to regulate our conduct towards our 
fellow men? Do not the rules, "thou shalt love thy 
neighbour as thyself," and "do to men in all things as 
we would have them do to us," as plainly relate to our 
conduct towards others, as the rule, " come out from the 
world," condemns its follies ? Does not the rule of doing 
as we would be done by, as certainly condemn our depriv- 
ing our fellow men of their dearest rights, and holding 
them in bondage, as any rule that can be adduced from 
Scripture condemns the above amusements ? Is any one 
willing to be deprived of his rights and held as a slave ? 
Is any willing to be as much at the mercy of another as 
the slave is at the mercy of his owners ? Is any willing 
to live under the disabilities that belong to the state of 
slavery ; and to be liable to all the evils to which the slave 
is liable ? Most assuredlv not. And does not the rule of 
12* 



138 LETTERS ON SLAVERY". 

doing as we would be done by apply to this case ? The 
man who ean in the words " be not conformed to this 
world," see a plain condemnation of balls, dancing, horse- 
racing, attending the theatre, &c, and yet can see nothing 
in the law of "loving our neighbour as ourself," and 
" doing as we would be done by," that goes to condemn 
holding his fellow men in slavery, must have the art of 
seeing things, not as they really are, but as he wishes 
them to be. The application of the latter rules to slavery 
is so direct and straight-forward, compared with the for- 
mer, that it requires an effort to believe that a person who 
is so clear-sighted in the one case, should, with his atten- 
tion drawn to the other, be unable to see its application. 

As to the tendency of these amusements to worldly 
affections, to vanity, sensuality, &c, I feel satisfied that 
it is not equal to the tendency of slavery to hardness of 
heart, injustice, oppression, licentiousness, and a whole 
train of kindred evils. Let any one examine into the 
effect of attending balls, the theatre, &c, on those persons 
devoted to those amusements, and estimate the proportion 
whose irreligion has been confirmed, whose worldly spirit 
has been strengthened, and whose purity has been lost 
through their influence; and compare it then with the mul- 
titudes who through the influence of slavery have been 
formed to a harsh, unfeeling, overbearing, and licentious 
character. Is it not a fact, that the general manner of 
treating slaves, owing chiefly to the absolute authority of 
the master and the necessary subjection of the slave, is 
positively rough and unfeeling, compared with the manner 
of treating other people ? The same treatment to a hired 
servant would soon leave the master to do his own work 
and wait on himself ; hired servants would not bear it* 
This circumstance tends to beget respect for the feelings 
of those in the lower places of society. It leads to mild- 
ness of manner, and regard for the rights and feelings of 
others. The effect is beneficial to the master, and salu- 
tary to society. 

But in the case of slavery the matter is otherwise. The 
slave must submit to all things and bear all things. How- 
ever unreasonable the requirements, however rough the 
treatment, however abusive the language — they must sul> 






LETTER XII. 139 

mit, and for the most part without complaint. Can any 
one who takes a fair view of the condition of slaves, con- 
sidered as absolutely under the power of their masters, as 
not protected in their family relations, as subject to sepa- 
ration at pleasure, as deprived of the best protection to 
their purity and conjugal fidelity — can any one who takes 
a full view of this subject in all its bearings, doubt whether 
greater evils do not flow from it than from balls, dances, 
gambling, and the whole round of fashionable amusements? 
1 feel confident that all these amusements put together 
do not produce one-tenth part of the vice that slavery 
does, nor do one-tenth part as much to vitiate the morals 
of society. 

Now there appears a manifest inconsistency in pro- 
fessors of religion and ministers of the gospel making such 
an outcry against these amusements, while they not only 
tolerate, but join in the practice of slave-holding. The 
fault does not lie in opposing these amusements, but in 
allowing themselves to countenance a practice which is 
tenfold more injurious. 

The advocates for amusements can say in palliation of 
their practice, "if injury be done, it is done to ourselves; 
we force no one to join us, all is voluntary." Can the 
slave-holder say as much respecting slavery ? Is the slave 
allowed to choose in the matter ? 

If any say they are not sure slavery is wrong, cannot 
and do not many say the same of their favourite amuse- 
ments ? But does that satisfy? Will you allow your fel- 
low professor to take the lead in all these amusements, 
and yet admit him to all the privileges of the church? 
Suppose a preacher of the gospel were to join in those 
amusements, and excuse himself by saying " he was not 
sure they were wrong," that he could without injury to 
himself participate in them, that the law of the land per- 
mitted them, and he claimed his right to join in them ; 
that those who thought them wrong, were free to abstain 
from them, but not thinking so, he should engage in them 
whenever he chose, — what would be thought of the reli- 
gion of such a preacher by most classes of professing 
Christians? And yet wherein does it differ from what 
takes place respecting slavery? I have shown, I think, to 



140 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

the satisfaction of the candid and unprejudiced, that slavery 
is as much opposed to the law of love — the rule of doing 1 
as we would be done by, as the amusements referred to 
are to the command to be separate from the world, to con- 
form not to it, &c. That the tendency of slavery is more 
injurious to society than amusements, appears to me suffi- 
ciently manifest from the view of it given above. Now 
to see preachers of the gospel and church-officers opposing 
the one, even to the shutting out of the church those who 
engage in them, while they practise the other all their 
lives long, and bring up their children to do so too, is to 
me a most glaring inconsistency. 

Or take those amusements in which the love of pleasure 
is connected with the love of ill-gotten gains, as cock- 
fighting, horse-racing, card-playing, &c, over and above 
the tendency of these practices to produce vanity, love of 
the world, and all those passions which balls, dancing, 
&c, are charged with producing ; they are charged with 
leading to covetousness, injustice, fraud, cruelty, and a 
whole train of evils. Their tendency to produce these 
evils is abundantly dwelt on, to prove that they are op- 
posed to the spirit of the gospel, and are sinful in the sight 
of God. Now, I ask, are not the same evils chargeable 
on slavery, and in a much greater degree? Horse-racing 
and cock-fighting are cruel to those animals. Admit it. 
The cruelty, however, is confined almost wholly to the 
hour of the race and of the right. At other times, those 
kept animals are usually well provided for : many a race- 
horse and game-cock is much better taken care of than 
slaves usually are. 

But is there no cruelty in depriving fellow creatures of 
rights dear as life, and that for no crime? Is there no 
cruelty in keeping them from generation to generation in a 
state of absolute subjection, in making them drudge all 
their lives long, and their children after them, and that 
without any compensation but a bare subsistence ? 

Is there no cruelty in treating them as property, and 
sacrificing the most intimate relations, the strongest en- 
dearments of life, as pleasure, interest, passion, or caprice, 
may dictate? Is there no cruelty in so shutting them up 
in slavery as to leave no door of escape, no chance to rise 



LETTER XII. 141 

in society, no opportunity of bettering the condition of 
those who are bone of their bone and flesh of their flesh? 
Is there no cruelty in all this? and the half is not told. 
What then is cruelty ? Are all our sensibilities to be stirred 
up at the sufferings of a game-cock during his hour in the 
pit, or the race-horse on the turf; and no notice to be taken 
of the wrongs and oppressions of our kind, although pro- 
longed from generation to generation ? and this from the 
professed followers of the compassionate Saviour, of him 
who would not break the bruised reed, who came to pro- 
claim deliverance to captives, the opening of prisons to those 
who are bound. "Tell it not in Gath, and publish it not 
in the streets of Askelon," lest the enemies of our religion 
have indeed cause of triumph. 

But horse-racing, card-playing, &c. lead, it is said, to 
covetousness, injustice, fraud, and a whole train of similar 
evils. I readily admit it, and join in condemning them as 
injurious to morals and religion; and I would ask, is not 
slavery productive of the same evil passions and practices, 
and that in a much greater degree ? The gambler, instead 
of following some honest business for a livelihood, covets 
and seeks the property of his neighbour, and in a way that 
gives no equivalent for value received. Very well. The 
evil is great. But how is it with the slave-holder ; does 
he render a just return to the slave for what he takes from 
him ? lie takes more than property, more than the pro- 
duct of his labour, he takes liberty — the right of seeking 
his own happiness, enjoying the fruit of his labour, and 
providing for himself and children. And is there no co- 
veting and taking what of right belongs to another in all 
this ? 

But it will perhaps be said, the gambler uses unfair 
means to get the property of his neighbour. Admit it. 
He cheats his neighbour out of it. 

Now I wish to know how much worse it is to cheat a 
man out of the fruit of his labour, than to take it from him 
by force ? Is the slave voluntary in giving up the fruit of 
his labour? None will pretend that he is. It is a case of 
galling necessity. Resistance would only add to his suf- 
ferings. 

The gambler may be able to say in palliation of his 



142 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

practice, that he meets his neighbour on fair ground. 
Each agrees to put so much at stake. His neighbour has 
as good a chance to win as he has. If he does cheat his 
neighbour, his neighbour would, if he could, cheat him. 
There is no force or violence in the matter ; he obliges 
none to play and lose. 

Can the slave-holder say as much in palliation of hold- 
ing slaves, and taking from them the fruit of their labour? 
Has the slave any choice in the matter ? — any chance to 
win the game ? None at all. He is retained in slavery, as 
his forefathers were reduced to it, by force. He is obliged 
to work and toil all his life long for another, and the fruit 
of his labour is exacted by the strong arm of power. Is 
there nothing of injustice in all this? Is there nothing of 
coveting and taking what of right belongs to another? And 
yet many will apply the threatenings of God's word against 
the workers of iniquity, to the cock-fighter, horse-racer, 
card-player, and the frequenter of other amusements ; while 
they hold their fellow creatures forcibly in bondage, take 
from them the fruit of their labour, and expose them to all 
the vice and evils incident to a state of slavery ? Who can 
help thinking of those whom our Saviour rebuked for 
" straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel ;" for 
" tything mint and rhue, and all manner of herbs, while 
they passed over the weightier matters of the law, justice, 
mercy, and faith." Whether professors of religion who 
justify slavery, will see the inconsistency or not, it is seen 
and noted by others, and that to the no small discredit of 
religion. The evil already done, the evil now doing by 
such departures from the spirit and purity of the gospel, 
by such evading of the plain, practical rules of Scripture, 
is incalculable. 

It has done much to lower the standard of morals ; it 
has done much to obscure the glory, and impede the be- 
nign influence of the gospel ; and the evil is not likely to 
be removed by a zeal against fashionable amusements, by 
tything mint and rhue and anise, while justice and mercy 
are so manifestly neglected. 

Yours, &c. 



143 



LETTER XIII. 



Christian Brethren, 

In the present letter I shall notice briefly some argu- 
ments used to justify or excuse the practice of slavery. 

Some attempt to justify it, or at least to prove that religion 
must have nothing to do with it, from the meaning of AovXog 
(doulos) the word mostly used in the New Testament to 
express those in domestic relations. They assert that it 
means slave, and infer, that as that condition is mentioned, 
and directions given respecting its duties, and no fault found 
with it, that therefore religion does not condemn it. The 
argument contains false facts and bad reasoning. 

Archbishop Potter, in his Greek Antiquities, gives the 
following statement as to the meaning of AouXo^, (doulos): 
"The inhabitants of Attica were of three sorts, 1. IloXerai, 
(poletai) or free men ; 2. Msroixoi (metoikoi) or strangers ; 
3. AouXoi, or servants. Of servants there were two sorts. 
The first were of those that through poverty were forced to 
serve for wages, being otherwise free-born citizens. Slaves, 
as long as they were under the government of a master, 
w r ere called Oixsrai, (oiketai), but after their freedom was 
granted them, they were AouXoi, (douloi), not being like 
the former, part of the master's estate, but obliged to some 
grateful acknowledgments and small services, such as were 
required of the Msroixoi, (metoikoi)." Page 39 — 50. 

Pool, in his Synopsis on 1 Peter i. 18, gives substan- 
tially the same statement. 

According to this authority, and it is of the highest kind, 
AouXos, which is the word mostly used, is a general term, 
embracing all sorts of persons in domestic relation, slaves 
where there are any, but also hirelings, bound servants, 
&c. But when used as a particular term, it means not 
slave, but freedinan, who, both among the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, sustained to his former master the relation of client. 

Ao-jXor, then, includes slave only as one condition of 
a general relation, and does not justify that condition. 
The case is the same as that of other words expressing 
a general relation. The words king, prince, &c. express 
the general relation of ruler ; and under that embrace the 



144 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

unlawful condition of tyrant, despot, usurper, &c. ; but it 
does not follow that tyranny, despotism, usurpation, are 
therefore lawful. 

So the word signifying marriage, embraces the condi- 
tions of that relation found in polygamy and concubinage ; 
but it does not follow that because Scripture calls all these 
marriage, and enjoins the proper duties of the relation, that 
therefore these are lawful. 

Ojxst>]£, (oiketes), we are told is the particular word for 
slave. The apostles, however, seldom use it, but almost 
uniformly use the word doulos, which embraces all in do- 
mestic relations. 

The case is nearly the same with 3i;\ (obed), the cor- 
responding word in Hebrew. It is a general term, and 
expresses all kinds of persons under authority. It includes 
slave as one condition of servitude, but it does not justify 
that condition. Both these words are often used to ex- 
press subjects under their rulers, tributaries and others un- 
der authority ; and especially are they used to express 
God's people. Servants of God, servants of Christ, ser- 
vants of righteousness, &c. It would sound oddly to say, 
slave of God, slave of Christ, slave of righteousness, <fec. 

It is said again that slavery is a relation of society, that 
the Gospel is not designed to interfere with man's relations 
to man, but to induce him to perform the duties that result 
from his relations. This argument, as mostly used, in- 
cludes some truth, some error, and more bad reasoning. 

With respect to man's natural and lawful relations, it is 
readily admitted that religion finds no fault with them, and 
simply goes to enforce the duties thence arising. But the 
case is otherwise with relations that are unlawful and im- 
moral. The adulterer and adulteress sustain a relation to 
each other which religion forbids under pain of exclusion 
from the kingdom of heaven. Some civil governments, 
however, allow it. The polygamist sustains an immoral 
relation to some of his wives— the tyrant sustains a rela- 
tion to those under him that is sinful in him. 

The relation of master and servant, when formed with 
the consent and for mutual benefit, is natural and lawful ; 
but this is not the case with slavery. Slavery is a thing 
of force and violence. It is not with the consent of the 
slave, nor for the benefit of the slave. 



LETTER XIII. 145 

Now to say that a relation founded in force and con- 
tinued by force, where all is exacted from the one party, 
and for the benefit of the other, must not be found fault 
with, because it is a relation of society, is so manifest 
an absurdity, that I marvel any should for a moment 
credit it. 

I know that some dislike to hear slavery spoken of as a 
thing of force and violence. But what is the fact ? Is the 
slave voluntary in his slavery ? The question is not, does 
he prefer being the slave of one more than of another ? but 
whether he would not much rather be free than the slave 
of any man ? Not whether he is well fed and clothed, and 
not oppressed with labour ; but whether he would not 
much rather feed and clothe himself, and enjoy the fruit of 
his labour ? And as to slavery being a forced thing, if a 
slave will not work, are not means used to make him ? If 
he rebels, is not more force used, even to calling in the 
civil authority and taking his life, if he will not submit ? 
And if a slave runs away, is he not hunted up, and chas- 
tised, and compelled to return to his labour ? Why are 
slaves considered as the natural enemies of their masters, 
and kept disarmed and under the watch of a vigilant patrol? 
Everything proves that the relation is one of force. 

Nearly related to the above, is the statement that slavery 
is a political thing, an affair of state, an arrangement of 
civil society, and the inference from this, that therefore re- 
ligion must have nothing to do with it. 

And does it never happen that an arrangement of civil 
society is sinful ? Polygamy, and divorce, and infanticide, 
at pleasure, are allowed under some governments ; are they 
therefore not wrong? The abstract principle will, I appre- 
hend, be decided correctly by most persons. If civil so- 
ciety should permit its members to do what is admitted to 
be wrong, as to blaspheme God, commit murder, violate 
the seventh commandment, would that permission justify 
us in the sight of God in acting thus ? All, I think, will 
agree that it would not. Now we are assured that the law 
of God extends to our whole conduct to our fellow men, 
and is summed up in the command to " love them as our- 
selves, and do to them in all things as we would have them 
do to us." That this is inconsistent with holding them 

13 



146 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

forcibly in bondage, and compelling them to serve without 
wages, has been proved. The law of the land, however, 
permits men to do this. Now here is a disagreement, in 
fact, between what the law of God and the law of the land 
permits. To call it a political thing, an affair of state, &c. 
does not alter the nature of the thing. The case is just 
this. The laws of society permit men to do what the law 
of God forbids. Now if God is to be obeyed rather than 
man, the case is decided, and the talk about its being a 
political thing is nothing but a sophism. 

It ought to be recollected, that many governments as 
absolutely forbid slavery as they do stealing or murder. 
Others, however, permit slavery. But none require their 
people to be slave-holders. Some, wishing to prevent an 
increase of free coloured persons in the state, require those 
that are liberated to leave the state ; but none forbid per- 
sons freeing their slaves, if they send them out of the state. 
Now to say that slavery is a political thing, because thus 
permitted, and that religion must not touch it, is placing 
the matter on a singular footing. Why not also make 
horse-racing, balls, dancing, lotteries, the theatre, &c. po- 
litical things ? While many states not only forbid slavery, 
but make it highly criminal to practise it ; no state, that I 
know of, makes it criminal to have balls, dances, or to at- 
tend the theatre, &c. Now if religion must have nothing to 
do with slavery, in those states that permit it, much less ought 
it to have anything to do with balls, dances, the theatre, 
&c. which are permitted in all the states ; and yet among 
those who use this argument in defence of slavery are 
found many who not only insist that dancing, balls, and the 
theatre, &c. are wrong, but would, in fact, turn persons 
out of the church for frequenting them. O consistency, 
where art thou ? 

We are to obey God rather than man. Now slavery is 
a violation of God's law, and therefore not to be done. It 
is doing an injury to our fellow men, and therefore not to 
be done. It is but a permitted thing, and therefore we of- 
fend not against the laws of the land in refusing to practise 
it ourselves, and using our influence with others against it. 

Some have deceived themselves, and puzzled others, by 
saying that the direct object of religion was to fit men for 



LETTER XIII. 147 

heaven, that it operated in a sphere entirely different from 
that of civil society ; and, for these reasons, had nothing 
directly to do with worldly matters, nor with slavery as a 
thing of that sort. 

And what was the use then, one may ask, of giving the 
second table of the law, containing six out of the ten com- 
mandments ? It relates to this world's matters, to the rela- 
tions and duties of man to man. And what is the use of 
that, much the larger, part of Scripture, that unfolds the 
principles of the second table of the law ? They might on 
this plan have been dispensed with ; for they relate to 
things that belong to the sphere of civil society. The 
duties of the second table are, however, as directly enjoined 
as the duties of the first. 

Admit that religion has in view to fit men for heaven, 
still it is true that it requires a regard to the duties of the 
second table, as well as the first, in order to our getting 
there. See 1 Cor. vi. 9, 10; Gal. v. 19—21. And to 
love our neighbours as ourselves, is given by our Lord as 
the sum of its requirements. 

As the terms civil society, government, &c. appear to 
bewilder some persons, and beget in them an opinion that 
with their permission things may be done without sin, 
which otherwise would be very wrong; it possibly may 
serve to dispel those intellectual mists, were such persons 
to substitute for civil society, government, &c. the expres- 
sion, the will of the majority. That will, regularly ex- 
pressed, is the law of our land ; and will any one for a 
moment say that the morality of a matter is to be fixed by 
a majority of votes ? that our obligation to obey God's law 
depends on the will of the majority? 

As it has been settled in our civil constitutions, that men 
may be of what religion they please, or if they prefer it, 
be of no religion at all, it would follow, if moral duty de- 
pends on the permission of the civil law or the will of the 
majority, that we are now under no obligation to obey 
God ; for that is a matter about which the law of the land 
permits us to do as we please. It is left, as slavery is 
left, to the will of individuals. 

If a man professes religion, he is protected in its exer- 
cise ; and if a man holds slaves, he is protected in so 



148 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

doing. But if the professor of religion gives up his profes- 
sion, and neglects all the duties of religion, he may do it 
without any offence to the State : And if a slave-holder 
abandons slavery, and restores to their natural rights those 
he has heretofore held in bondage, he is free to do it. The 
laws of Virginia do, indeed, require that such slaves 
should leave the State. This may be hard on them, but 
most of them would rather do that, than to remain with 
their posterity in bondage. 

The fact that slavery was introduced among us, not by 
ourselves, but by our forefathers, is almost constantly 
brought forward as an excuse for our practice. Admitting 
that this may be some palliation, a moment's reflection 
might satisfy any one, that we are not justified in living in 
a practice in itself wrong, by the fact that our fathers acted 
so before us. The laws of civil society, the conduct of 
man with man, the history of God's dealings towards na- 
tions and individuals, as well as the express declarations 
of his word, are all opposed to this plea of justification. 
How can you read your Bibles and not see that, as a mat- 
ter of fact, the sins of our fathers instead of justifying us 
in living in the same, will assuredly, unless we repent, be 
visited on us ? It is laid down as a principle of God's 
providential government, that he will visit the sins of the 
fathers on the children unto the third and fourth genera- 
tion. This is explained in Scripture, (Ezek. xviii.) as 
especially applicable to those cases, in which children con- 
tinue in the same sins in which their fathers lived. The 
way and the only way to escape visitations for the sins of 
our fathers, is to forsake those sins, and as far as may be 
correct the evils they have done. Not only is this princi- 
ple plainly taught in Scripture, but it is illustrated by ex- 
amples, and some on the very point in question. 

The generation of the Egyptians that were visited with 
such heavy judgments for enslaving Israel did not begin 
the work of enslaving that people ; it was commenced 
long before. They found it in existence, received it from 
their fathers, and were probably the third or fourth genera- 
tion that had practised it. They followed the footsteps of 
their fathers ; and while, probably, making this identical 
excuse, the cloud of vengeance was gathering over them, 
which swept them as with the besom of destruction. 



LETTER XIII. 149 

So it was with the Babylonians, and the nations that 
acted with them, in oppressing Israel, that " held them 
fast, and refused to let them go." God visited on them 
their own sins, and the sins of their fathers ; gave them up 
to spoil and slavery, and caused it to "be recompensed 
unto them according to their doings." 

The practice of slavery, may have been going on about 
as long among us as it did in Egypt ; and while some are 
pleading in excuse that we did not begin it, they seem to 
forget that, according to God's word, we are the generation 
at which the divine threatening begins to look hard. The 
very fact that it has gone on so long, is in proof that the 
cup of iniquity must be filling up, and the bitter waters 
almost ready to overflow. 

It is again urged, that slaves are property left us by our 
fathers, or purchased with our money ; and that it is hard 
to be required to give them up. This, I suppose, touches 
the merits of the question. Temporal interest is opposed, 
or thought to be opposed, to moral duty, and many of the 
worst crimes committed by man ilow from the same source. 
The gambler, the extortioner, the robber, the murderer, are 
mostly influenced by supposed temporal interests. If our 
religious principles, if our regard for God's law, if our 
sense of justice between man and man, all yield to a sup- 
posed worldly interest, that fact justifies a fear, whether 
we fear or not, that we are lovers of the world more than 
lovers of God. It proves that we possess not the faith 
that overcomes the world. Much as property may be 
desirable, he has yet to learn the first elements of Chris- 
tianity, who does not know that even poverty itself is 
much more honourable, in the sight of God, than ill-gotten 
wealth. 

The Egyptians could have made a similar plea respect- 
ing Israel, and probably did. They had received them as 
property, as labourers from their fathers. The Israelites 
were more numerous than the slaves are in the United 
States, and of course were of immense value. Moses did 
not ofier to buy them, but in the name of God demanded 
their freedom, and God by his judgments not only obliged 
them to give their consent, but to let them have gold and 
silver, and raiment in compensation for their labour while 
is* 



150 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

in bondage. The many cases of slavery formerly adduced ; 
that practised by Israel, Tyre, Edom, Moab, Assyria, Ba- 
bylon, &c, for which sore judgments were sent on those 
nations, were all of the same general character. Persons 
were claimed as property, either received from their 
fathers or bought with their money, were retained forcibly 
in bondage, and compelled to serve without wages. In all 
these cases, the slave-holder may have thought it hard to be 
blamed for retaining what he claimed as property. The 
law of God, however, did not admit his claim, and the judg- 
ments of God avenged the guilt of making and enforcing it. 

The difficulty arising from the want of habits of labour, 
on the part of slave-holders, is, at times, made an excuse 
for continuing slavery. This could have been made, and 
probably was made by the Egyptians, Chaldeans and 
others, who held their slaves fast and refused to let them 
go. If it were a sufficient excuse, it might have availed 
them. After its failure in so many cases, it is not wise to 
rest on it. 

A wrong course of conduct mostly produces habits 
which present difficulty in the way of reformation. The 
drunkard, the gambler, the debauchee, are examples. This, 
however, is not considered as justifying them in going on 
in their evil ways. It is one of those things in the eco- 
nomy of our nature, which ought to make us careful not to 
enter on a wrong course ; and if, perchance, we find that 
we are going wrong, we ought to lose no time in getting 
right. It is better to meet and overcome the difficulty of 
revolutionizing our habits, so far as leaving off slavery may 
require it, than to be under the moral guilt, and be accessary 
to all the evils that flow from it. 

Were slaves treated as hired servants, allowed a reasona- 
ble compensation, their services might for a time be: 
retained, and that to the mutual advantage of the master 
and the servant. 

Many excuses for continuing slavery are drawn from i 
the ignorance and vice of slaves ; and from their idle and 
improvident habits. This, it is admitted, presents a diffi- 
culty to a sudden and general emancipation, and may in 
many cases justify some delay. It cannot, however, jus- . 
tify perpetual slavery. 

Ignorance, although an evil, is not a crime, and ought 



LETTER XIII. 151 

not to be punished with the loss of liberty. And when it 
is recollected that the fault of being ignorant does not lie 
on the slave, but on those who held him in bondage, com- 
manded his time, and gave him not the means of improve- 
ment, it is marvellous that any should bring forward such 
a plea. Thousands of white men are as ignorant as most 
slaves ; this is not, however, considered a sufficient reason 
for reducing them to slavery. A man may be very igno- 
rant, and yet a peaceful and useful citizen. 

While it is readily admitted, that slaves are much ad- 
dicted to the lower kind of vices, as idleness, dishonesty, 
&c. ; as to the higher vices, I doubt whether they are 
much worse than the whites. 

Dishonesty almost always accompanies slavery. Where 
persons are forced to labour for the benefit of others, it is 
almost impossible to make them feel that there is much 
guilt in taking and using the property of those for whom 
they labour — property which they themselves have made. 
One of the best cures for the dishonesty of slaves, is to 
allow them what is lawful and right; and as to the impu- 
rity and licentiousness of slaves, they are greatly owing 
to the system, and cannot easily be corrected until that is 
changed. While their marriages are not protected — while 
separations are so often made, by sales and transfers and 
removals — while so little protection is given to female 
purity; we may expect them to continue. Instead of the 
commonness of these vices being an excuse for slavery, 
they form one of the strongest reasons for wholly aban- 
doning it. Slavery tends naturally to produce them. 

And as to their idle and improvident habits, while they 
do present a serious difficulty, still we are not to forget 
that these habits are in great part to be ascribed to slavery. 
Deprive a person of the proper incentives to industry, 
take from him all interest in the fruit of his labour, and 
you will have the character that we find among slaves. 

The first colonists, both at Jamestown and Plymouth, 
for a time laboured and shared in common ; and while that 
system was followed, idleness and improvidence prevailed. 
As soon us they altered their plan, and each laboured for 
himself, a manifest improvement took place.* Slaves have 

* It was computed that the settlers at James Town did not per- 
form as much labour in a week as they might have done in a day, 



152 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

not even a common interest, and may be expected to show 
the effect of its absence. Give them the proper induce- 
ments, let them as freemen labour for themselves, and no 
doubt it will have its influence to excite to industry. 

Excuses for continuing them in slavery are often drawn 
from the prejudices of the whites against them, arising 
from their race and complexion. Had the Africans brought 
over as slaves been of the same complexion with the 
whites, they never would have been held with the same 
iron grasp, nor would they have been so deeply degraded. 
We have proof of this in the case of the convicts and 
redemptioners, formerly brought over in considerable num- 
bers. They rapidly blended with the mass of our commu- 
nity, and have become lost in it. 

Now from whatever cause in nature it arises, that we 
are white and they are black, none will pretend that there 
is anything moral in it. It is not more wrong in them to 
be black than in us to be white. " God hath made of one 
blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of the 
earth." He is no respecter of persons. His law, the im- 
mutable standard of right and wrong, gives no preference 
to a white over a black skin. As a matter of taste, we 
may, without sin, prefer one to the other, as we do high 
foreheads, straight legs, and broad shoulders ; but if we 
permit our prejudices " to respect persons, we commit sin, 
and are convinced of the law as transgressors." 

Not a few excuse themselves, in continuing the practice 
of slavery, on the ground that others practise it. If this 
were a good reason, we might find in it a justification of 
many other things. What vice is there that no one prac- 
tises? Many swear and get drunk, and violate the Sab- 
bath : that will not justify us in so doing. The word of 
God gives no authority to suppose that we are justified in 
doing wrong, on the ground that the multitude are with 
us. On the other hand, it forbids us to go with the mul- 
titude to do evil, tells us to " come out from the world 
and be separate." 

while they cultivated the Company's land and lived out of the com- 
mon stock. This lasted twelve or fifteen years. A manifest change 
took place as soon as each laboured for himself. The case was 
similar at Plymouth. See Ramsey's History of United States. 



LETTER XIII. 153 

Some make their willingness to put an end to slavery 
depend on an impossible case, the removal of all at once, 
everybody's agreeing to give up theirs. Little credit 
is due for such cold good-will to a good cause. If persons 
really feel the evil of slavery and wish its removal, let 
them give the influence of their example. God works by 
means. Example is a powerful means. They know not 
how much good their example may do. 

It has been said so often, that it now, with many, passes 
for a fact, that slaves are better off than free coloured peo- 
ple. We might have supposed, that if this w r ere really so, 
the slaves themselves, who have most intercourse with 
them, would have found it out, and ceased wishing to be 
free. They, however, man, woman and child, are long- 
ing for freedom. And what is more strange, those that 
are free, and from a personal knowledge of both conditions, 
ought to know which is best, not only prefer freedom for 
themselves, but earnestly desire it for their kindred. 

That slave-holders should so generally agree that slaves 
are better off, and more happy and comfortable, than free 
coloured persons ; while slaves and free coloured people, 
who ought to know when they arc happy and comfortable, 
arc almost universally of a different opinion, forms one of 
those contrarieties of sentiment, which we at times meet 
with among those whose interests lead different ways. If 
it were a lad admitted by all — yea, by the slave himself, 
that he was better off than the free ; yet if he were not 
made willing by that fact to remain in slavery, we have no 
moral right to use force to keep him in it. It is not our 
duty to use violence and force to make people happy. 

AVe do not however admit the fact, current as it may pass, 
that slaves are generally better off and more happy than 
free coloured people. Taking their whole case into view, 
their labour and exposure, their food and clothing, and 
their opportunities for seeking their own happiness, &c. ; 
and the reverse is probably the fact. The free can consult 
their taste and comfort and inclination in a thousand 
things. Not so the slave. The master chooses for him 
as to food, clothing, labour, rest, &c. ; and it may be, that 
nine times out of ten, his taste and inclination is crossed. 
The extent to which the comfort and happiness of the 
slave is thus sacrificed, may be great indeed. For no one 



154 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

need be told that our happiness and comfort are not made 
up of one or two items — a thousand things enter into their 
composition ; and inclination and taste have so much to do 
with the whole matter, that a man may be very miserable 
while possessing what to others may seem amply sufficient 
to make him happy. 

It ought however to be recollected, that were it even ad- 
mitted that slaves are better off than they would be in a 
state of freedom, still, with that natural and inextinguisha- 
ble love of /reedom which is common to man, our danger 
from them may be the same. They desire to be free, and 
when they have a prospect of attaining it, we may expect 
them to grasp after it, and that at the expense of blood. 
Their views and feelings on the matter will govern them, 
and not those which may satisfy us. 

In proof that our free coloured population are generally 
in a more suffering state than our slaves, it is asserted that 
they increase less, and are, in a greater proportion than 
our slaves, carried off by disease. 

That hardship and exposure, and especially poverty and 
want, wear out the constitution and shorten human life, is 
generally admitted. (See Appendix, C.) 

Now were our free coloured population more oppressed 
with poverty and disease, worse fed, and worse clothed, 
than our slaves, the census would show that fewer of 
them lived to old age. The difference, however, is greatly 
on the side of the free coloured people. 

To the plea for continuing slavery, that they form the 
great body of labourers in the south, and could not be 
spared, it may be answered, were they free and employed 
as hired servants, they would still be there; and, there is 
reason to believe, in a more efficient state. 

It is said, I know, that a part of the South could not be 
cultivated, and many of its most valuable products could 
not be raised, without coloured labourers. If this be true, 
it rather proves that those parts ought to be given up to 
the blacks, and not that the blacks should be held in slavery 
to cultivate it for others. The fact itself, however, may 
well be doubted ; and, at all events, if the labour of the 
blacks be used, they ought to cultivate it as freemen, and 
receive fair wages. Yours, &c. 



155 



LETTER XIV. 



Christian Brethren, 

The question what shall we do with the coloured peo- 
ple, if we retain them not as slaves, is so often asked when 
the evils of slavery are under consideration, that it might 
seem unfair to pass it without notice. It is, indeed, nearly 
connected with the other. At the same time, until people 
are willing to get clear of the evils of slavery, there ap- 
pears little use in spending time in discussing what we 
shall do with those that are freed. 

There arc, however, slave-holders who have difficulties 
on this matter, and who would not long remain such, were 
it not for those difficulties. 

I readily admit that taking things as they now are, and 
especially the existing prejudice against having a free co- 
loured population among us, the question is one of consi- 
derable difficulty. In a government like ours, where the 
people rule, slavery can effectually be removed only by the 
people. Were the great body of the people willing to re- 
move it, they have the power. The fact that it has not 
heretofore been done, proves that the people were not will- 
ing to have it done. The very general confession of the 
evil of slavery, and the oft-repeated wish that we were 
clear of it, is often to be understood as we understand the 
drunkard, when he condemns drunkenness and wishes he 
were delivered from the habit, while he would quarrel with 
the man who would hide his bottle. Almost every wrong 
practice is attended with evils, which at times so harass 
the evil-doer, as to make him feel and talk like the drunk- 
ard ; while, like him, he prefers going on to the self-de- 
nial of reformation. 

Such is the state of things in the South with regard to 
slavery, that whatever our wishes may be, I can see before 
us but three alternatives. Either we must free our slaves, 
and separate and colonize them abroad, — or free, and per- 
mit them to remain among us, — or, before long, have con- 
flict with them, and finally have them in possession of a 
large portion of the South. 

f well know that each of these alternatives will seem 



156 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

bitter as the wormwood and the gall to many; and in pro- 
portion to their aversion to them will be their unwilling- 
ness to admit that such is our condition. This, however, 
does not alter the case, nor the facts that go directly to 
prove it. I must rsfer you to the facts adduced in my 
third letter, and the inferences drawn from them. We 
have above two millions of coloured people now. They 
increase in the South more rapidly than the whites. We 
have often been alarmed with those now possessed, and 
serious perils have been narrowly escaped. What will it 
be with four or eight millions, which some of us may see, 
and sixteen which many of our children may see? To 
suppose that such a state of things would not lead to con- 
flict, is to suppose a thing so improbable that it would be 
unwise to calculate on it. The products about which 
slave-labour is employed, would not support such a mass 
of people. A change must of necessity take place in their 
relations to their owners. But the love of freedom has 
ever led slaves to seek it by force. All history proves this. 
That such a spirit is now felt among our slaves is past 
dispute. That it will increase with their increase and im- 
provement, no one need doubt. Freedom or conflict, is as 
certain as the march of time, and no common conflict will 
it be ; all history proves that such conflicts assume the 
worst forms ; of all conflicts, such ought with most care 
and foresight to be avoided. There is much reason to fear, 
that unless the great body of them are freed, or some great 
change made in their condition, within the next thirty or 
forty years, they will contend, and that successfully, for 
their freedom. Should their first efforts fail, still confi- 
dence and peace would be destroyed. Who could live in 
peace among them with the knowledge that he was on a 
volcano that might, at any successive hour, burst and work 
his ruin! 

In such a state of things it is the part of wisdom to yield 
to necessity ; to let them have, without contest, what they 
assuredly will contend for, and sooner or later succeed in 
getting ; and it would be well to let them have it, in a way 
that would make some amends for the past, and secure 
their good-will for the time to come. 

It still remains not perfectly clear, whether we had bet- 



LETTER XIV. 157 

ter connect with freeing them the plan of separating them 
from among us, and colonizing them to themselves, or 
suffer them to remain among us. There are advantages 
and disadvantages attending both plans, and the main 
point of inquiry is, which side is to be preferred ? 

The question is not, which is best abstractly considered; 
but which is preferable as a thing to be carried into effect. 
However much we may prefer the plan of colonizing them 
abroad, yet if on examining it, we find that the probabili- 
ties are strong against its success, it would be wise not 
wholly to depend on it, however we might make a subsi- 
diary use of it, to draw off a part of their number. 

The present feeling, as far as I can judge, is not only in 
favour of colonizing them, but of doing it beyond the limits 
of our country. The success that has attended our colony 
at Liberia, is well calculated to encourage the friends of 
that measure. The practicability of colonizing them, their 
ability to govern themselves, especially with some little 
aid from the whites, is supposed to be proved by this ex- 
periment. 

This case certainly proves that something, yea that 
much may be done in removing and colonizing them 
abroad ; and the more that are removed abroad as much to 
their advantage, as those at Liberia, the better for them as 
well as for us. It may, however, be doubted whether the 
amount done be not greatly overrated by many as to its 
bearings on the whole subject. In the space of twelve or 
fifteen years, some two or three thousand have been re- 
moved to Africa, and a colony formed which may be able 
to receive from five hundred to a thousand annually. The 
emigrants heretofore have contained a larger portion of 
good and efficient character, than belongs to the great mass 
of our slave population. Most of them had long been free, 
and had been accustomed to provide for themselves, and 
had accumulated some property. If it be practicable to re- 
move and colonize our whole coloured population, and as 
yet perhaps it is, still its practicability will not continue 
long. It may be possible now, but if deferred some twenty 
or thirty years, it must be impracticable. We have above 
two millions now, and at the rate of increase for the last 
ten years, we will in 1840, (only seven years hence) have 

14 



158 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

near three millions ; in 1850, (only seventeen years hence,) 
about four millions. It will be no easy matter to export 
and colonize four millions with their increase ! I doubt 
whether our colony at Liberia up to 1840, will have re- 
moved twenty thousand ; and we will then have three mil- 
lions, and an annual increase of near one hundred thou- 
sand. Should it in the next ten years remove at the average 
rate of ten thousand annually, that would not be more than 
about one-tenth of their annual increase. 

Were the States most interested to take up the subject 
without delay, and receive aid from the general Govern- 
ment, much might be done ; but a few more years of hesi- 
tancy and opposition will make the matter unmanageable 
in that way. 

The history of the colony at Liberia does not prove 
that we could, without their ruin, throw from twenty to 
fifty thousand slaves on the coast of Africa in the year, 
even if the means of subsistence could be afforded them. 
I fear the reverse is proved. In addition to the advantages 
of the first colonists already noticed, they were favoured 
with the aid of Mr. Ashman, who exhibited first-rate talents 
for laying the foundation of a colony. That climate, how- 
ever, is so fatal to whites, that it might be difficult to pro- 
cure the requisite aid for so great a mass of emigrants. 

It deserves the serious consideration of the friends of 
African colonization, whether they could not procure terri- 
tory on the northern coast of Africa. There are, it is 
known, many and large districts, within what is usually 
called the Barbary States, that are almost wholly unoccu- 
pied. Portions of these might most probably be obtained. 
The climate is fine, the country fruitful and well adapted 
to the various purposes of life. 

Such a situation would be peculiarly suited to our 
coloured population from the more northern and upland 
districts of our country, who suffer most from the climate 
at Liberia. 

Emigration to the West Indies might be added to it, 
especially from the more southern States. The voyage 
would be shorter, the hazard from climate less, and the 
necessary assistance from white persons might be had at 
less cost. 



LETTER XIV. 159 

Territory might possibly be procured in various quar- 
ters. I have, however, my fears, that enough will not be 
done by colonizing abroad, to prevent or even retard much, 
the progress of the evil at home. The more that is done 
the better ; provided, the amount done be fairly estimated 
as to the extent to which it will lessen our danger at 
home. And here I fear an incidental evil may result from 
our colonizing abroad. It will not, I hope, balance the 
good ; but, I fear, deduct from it, and make it a mixed in- 
stead of a pure good, in its influence on our country. 

The little that is done in removing abroad our coloured 
population, and it is likely to be comparatively little for 
years to come, will, I fear, lead many to think that no 
other means need be used. 

The consequences will probably, be, that while the 
colonies abroad rise and flourish, and Africa may become 
regenerated and made to share the blessings of the gospel 
and civilization, we, at home, will pass through times of 
revolution, as assuredly, and almost as soon as if not one 
coloured person had left our shores. It will take a large 
channel to keep down and effectually draw off the swelling 
flood of slavery. 

Many who are in favour of colonizing them abroad, will, 
I know, object to colonizing them on any portion of our 
own country. And yet I apprehend, that if we adhere to 
the plan of separating and colonizing them, this is not only 
the most easy, but the only plan that has a reasonable 
prospect of success. 

The mouth of the Columbia has been named as a suita- 
ble location for a colony. They might pass in steamboats 
to a point high on the Missouri, and there pass across on 
foot : And it may be said in favour of forming a colony of 
blacks there, that a civilized people will no doubt soon 
occupy it ; and its relative situation and distance, makes it 
almost certain, that it must soon be independent of us. 
We might as well have a colony of blacks there, as a na- 
tion of any other people. They would form a weaker nation 
than we are ; and il we consult our own interest, we might 
as well have them as a stronger nation there, with whom 
we will sooner or later have to settle our interfering claims. 
Still, the distance to the mouth of the Columbia is so 



160 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

great, and so heavy would be the expense, that there is 
much reason to fear, they could not be removed there with 
that rapidity that the state of the case requires. 

If the plan of separating- them from among us, and colo- 
nizing them by themselves be adhered to, we must, I ap- 
prehend, if we would not fail in our object, select a place 
nearer those States in which the great body of our 
coloured population is found. 

Were a south-western territory designated as a country 
for coloured people, where they should enjoy all the rights 
of freemen ; and were the slave-holding States to encourage 
manumission, on condition of sending them to said ter- 
ritory ; were such laws passed as are common in the 
Spanish and Portuguese colonies, enabling slaves to buy 
themselves, and laws giving freedom to those born after a 
certain time ; were means used to give them a common 
education, &c, the great body of our coloured population 
could, in the next twenty or thirty years, be removed from 
among us, located to themselves, and be in the way of be- 
coming a respectable and flourishing people. 

The place which they now occupy would be gradually 
filled up by a class of whites, who would add to our 
strength, industry, and improvement, and a cause of alarm 
would be removed from among us. The slave-holding 
States would really be the gainers by the exchange. 

The facilities for removing our coloured population to a 
south-western region are much in favour of it. From 
Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and the states farther 
south, they could be removed to the Arkansas or the 
Texas with ease and expedition. The multitudes removed 
annually from Maryland and Virginia to the Mississippi 
and Louisiana, proves how easily our whole coloured 
population could be located in the south-west. The rela- 
tion of a south-western territory to the grain-growing states 
of the west, would enable the emigrants to procure with 
ease, and at no great expense, supplies while they were 
needed. The situation and health of the country would 
enable slave-holders, on freeing their slaves, to send some 
one to see them located, and at times to remain with them 
and direct them until they were a little accustomed to 
manage for themselves. They could receive from the 



LETTER XIV. 161 

whites aid in the various respects in which it was needful, 
at much less expense of means or life than within the 
tropics and on a foreign shore ; and they could be remov- 
ed with a hundred-fold the rapidity that they can to 
Liberia. 

They might be so located to the south-west as to place 
them between us and Mexico, and be as much separated 
from us as they could be in any part of the United States. 
They would more easily mix with the Indian and Mexican 
races than with us. Many of them would probably emi- 
grate into the Mexican states, and thus diminish their 
relative proportion among us. There is no part of our 
country that in so many respects is favourable for locating 
them in. The climate suits them better than it suits the 
whites, and their emigration is naturally that way. 

I know that a host of objections will be started against 
giving them a south-western territory. From some I do 
not expect to gain even a patient hearing on the subject. 
Permit me here to say. that however common it may be 
for nations and individuals to deal hardly with others 
when they have the power — to take all the advantage they 
can of peculiar states of things, and to seek their own at 
the expense of others, — that it is wholly wrong. We 
should deal with others as we would have them deal with 
us. This is what is right ; and in the long run it will be 
for the best to all who act thus. 

The forefathers of our slaves were brought to this 
country sorely against their wills : they were brought by 
force. They and their children have thus far been de- 
tained by force, and in a state of slavery. The evils of 
slavery are now beginning to be seen and felt. The ques- 
tion of freeing them is, however, connected with the 
question, What shall we do with them when freed? The 
practicability of removing the great body of them to their 
own country is doubtful. Let us assign them a portion of 
the large land that we possess. There is amply enough 
for all. They are as much natives of it as we are, and 
have been as long in it. This will make them some 
amends for past injuries. That we ought to do. It will 
be setting an example of national justice and generosity, 
which is more honourable to a nation than all the glory 



162 



LETTERS ON SLAVERY 



ever gathered on the field of battle. It will be doing good, 
and that is the only sure way of receiving good in return. 

But leaving this view of the case as one for which we 
fear we shall find few advocates, let us notice an objection 
or two to assigning them a south-western district. 

Let it be borne in mind, that the question of disposing 
of our coloured population, when freed, presents but a 
choice of difficulties. There is no place that is free from 
them. Were we to admit, which I readily do, that, ab- 
stractly considered, it would not be best to have a settle- 
ment of blacks in the south-west ; yet, if I can show that 
the probabilities are so great as almost to amount to a cer- 
tainty — that if the plan of colonizing them be adhered to, 
and some district in that region be not thus appropriated, 
greater evils will befall us than we need fear from locating 
them there, — then we ought in reason there to place them. 

No doubt some will object, that the placing a colony of 
blacks in the south-west is incompatible with the con- 
tinuance of slavery in the south. Admitting that this may 
be true, still it is not, I think, more true than that slavery 
will there come to an end (and perhaps nearly as soon, 
and in a much worse way) if no colony be there located. 
Let nothing be done, or only that little that is like to be 
effected through colonizing abroad,— and the day is not 
distant when the slaves of the south will go out free! 

It would be practicable to begin a colony in the south- 
west, on such a plan, and connect with it such a policy in 
the slave-holding states, as would from its commencement 
lessen instead of adding to the danger from insurrection. 
Let laws be passed in the several states, giving to slaves 
the right of buying themselves and families at a reasonable 
price ; laws giving liberty to slaves born after a fixed 
time, and to those under a certain age, after serving such 
a number of years. Let manumission be allowed and en- 
couraged, and a provision made for removing to the colony 
those thus freed ; and a door for getting free would be 
opened through which so many of the active and enter- 
prising would go out, as to make it morally certain that 
no serious insurrection would take place. And should a 
few elope to the colony, that would be a small evil com- 
pared with the general benefit of the plan. And a mode 



LETTER XIV. 163 

might be adopted in the colony, that would secure to the 
owner at least a portion of the value of such fugitives. 
Fugitives are usually the most worthless part of the slave- 
population : the state and often the owners would be bet- 
ter off without them. We have seen England paying for 
fugitive slaves. It would be better for the state to pay a 
minimum price lor such slaves as it was made appear had 
fled to the colony, than let their apprehended loss be in 
the way of such a plan. It might be as easy getting fugi- 
tives back from the colony as from a foreign state ; and 
we will have foreign states on that quarter. What now 
becomes of the slaves that escape to Canada, or Texas, or 
Mexico? Mostly, if not always, lost as to their owners. 

As to the danger of war with them, it would not be 
greater than our danger of war with the Mexicans or any 
other border states ; and if we must have contest, better 
have it with them west of the Mississippi, and removed 
from its mouth, than on both sides of it, and all along our 
sea-board. I ask those who talk of danger from placing 
them in the south-west, to look at the situation of the sea- 
board, from the Potomac to the river Sabine, estimate the 
proportion of the blacks and whites, their comparative in- 
crease, their healthiness in that climate, the facilities which 
their situation on the coast gives them for receiving aid 
from abroad ; think also of the state of the world, and the 
feeling abroad in favour of liberty, and judge whether there 
be not more danger as they now are, than would result 
from a colony separated from us, and from the coast. I 
do not pretend there would be no danger, but I do contend 
that it would be less than what naturally arises from their 
location among us, and their accumulation on the sea-board. 
Were it a question about allowing a colony of blacks from 
abroad to settle in the south-west, the case would be wholly 
different. The question is simply as to the best disposition 
we can make of the blacks already in our country. Had 
we better allow them to remain along our sea-board, in our 
most valuable districts, at the mouths of all our navigable 
rivers, until they gain such an ascendency as to insure their 
freedom and the possession of said district, with the pros- 
pect of their cutting off the whites in the whole south 
and western states, from their natural outlet for trade, ex- 



164 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

cept at the pleasure of the blacks and perhaps a tribute for 
the privilege ; or while the power is with us, and before 
the sceptre passes from our hand, make a merit of neces- 
sity, do with as good a grace as we can, ivhat we must 
do, or before long do ivorse, place the young Hercules 
where we will have better vantage ground in any contest 
which may hereafter arise with him. 

A south-western district may be disposed of by the na- 
tional government, and on the same principle that one is 
assigned to the Indians, one may be assigned to the blacks. 

All the states south of the Potomac and west of the Al- 
leghanies are deeply interested in this matter. They are 
in danger of being cut off from the sea-board, and losing 
their natural outlet to trade.* 

When Louisiana was in other hands, Kentucky and 
other western states felt the evil so much as to be strongly 
tempted, it was said, to break off from the Union, rather 
than not enjoy the benefit of trading down the Mississippi. 
There is a power growing up along that river, and over 
the whole country about its mouth, and the mouth of all 
the other rivers in the south, which, if not removed, will, 
to a moral certainty, before long, pull down our flag, and 
put another in its place. 

It would add to our safety to have some small states in- 
terposed between us and Mexico. It is a sound principle 
of national policy for a large state to surround itself by 
small ones, or at least prevent any of its border states from 
accumulating too much power. 

France has little to fear from Germany, or Austria, or 
Italy. They will seldom act together against her. But 
were they all united, there might be danger. 

We will, unless some independent state be erected, have 
a long line of contact with Mexico, whose territory, when 
filled, will give her great power ; and she touches us at 
the very points where we are weakest, from our slave 
population. It would clearly be a wise policy for us to 

* Virginia, east of the mountains, lias about 457,000 blacks and 
only about 375,000 whites. South Carolina has 259,000 whites 
and 315,000 blacks. Louisiana, 105,000 whites and 109,000 
blacks, giving 1 the blacks a majority of 144,000 in those three 
states. They are most numerous near the coast. 



LETTER XIV. 165 

interpose a middle power between us and them, and the 
same reasons which should induce us to do it, should in- 
duce them to wish it done. 

The other alternative is freeing and allowing them to 
remain among us. 

In favour of this, it may be said that they are now 
among us, that they form the great body of labourers and 
household servants in the south, that the habits of the 
whites require their aid, while the habits of the coloured 
people are formed to the situation in which they are, that 
many parts of the south are unhealthy for white labourers, 
and that great difficulties would attend supplying the place 
of the blacks with a white labouring class. Strong pre- 
judices, however, exist against freeing and allowing them 
to remain among us. 

It ought always to be borne in mind, in all discussions 
of this matter, that we have but a choice of difficulties. 
There is no way that is free from difficulties. We must 
compare the evils of having them among us as slaves, with 
the difficulty of removing them, and colonizing them 
abroad ; or with the evils of freeing and allowing them to 
remain among us. This last, for a few moments, claims 
our notice. 

That some races of men are of a more active and enter- 
prising turn than others, is readily admitted; and I doubt 
not but that the English, and perhaps most of the European 
races, are more so than the negro race. It has, however, 
been too readily admitted, that our coloured population 
would, if free, and allowed to remain, be idle and vicious 
to a ruinous degree. It cannot fairly be inferred from 
their idle habits as slaves, nor is it sufficiently proved 
from the habits of those that are free. The history of 
slavery among all nations and at all times, proves that 
slavery is unfavourable to industrious and provident habits. 
A state of insecurity for property is unfriendly to industry, 
as is proved by the state of things in Turkish countries. 
We have seen, that to labour in common, and live from 
the common stock, results in idleness. There may be 
cases of small communities, where the religious principle 
does, in a degree, supply the place of personal interest; 
but the union of both these principles would operate more 
effectually than either alone. Slaves have not even a com- 



166 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

mon interest ; and it is unfair to infer what they would do, 
when free, from what they do as slaves. To justify 
their remaining- among - us, it is not indispensable that they 
be as industrious as the whites ; but so much so as to 
provide for themselves, and not prove a burden to others. 

Nor do I think that a just estimate can be formed from 
the free coloured people now among us. It will, I think, 
be admitted, by those who examine the matter, that our 
free coloured population have laboured under peculiar dis- 
couragements. In almost all respects, the slave law ap- 
plies to them. 

While they are nominally free, they enjoy few of the 
privileges of freemen. They have almost universally been 
looked on with jealousy by slave-holders. They have 
seldom been employed where slave-labour could be pro- 
cured, and almost no attempts have been made to raise and 
improve their characters. 

But this is not all. The prejudices against them have 
led persons very generally to cherish suspicion, and give a 
ready ear to every report or surmise against them. They 
have been made the scape-goats for a thousand things 
which were really done by others. That they should be 
somewhat given to those vices common to poor people, and 
people of whom others will think evil, we might expect; 
but that they are, to the extent many appear to think, is 
not authorized by facts. Out of a free population in Vir- 
ginia of above 40,000, the convictions during the four 
years preceding 1827, were not annually above eleven or 
twelve. See the Governor's message, Dec. 1827. 

The fact that from one-fourth to one-half more free co- 
loured people than slaves live over forty-five years, carries 
with it evidence, that they do not suffer as much from 
poverty and vice as has been supposed. It proves that a 
state of freedom among us, with all its disadvantages, is 
not so unfavourable to long life as a state of slavery. Those 
who plead the poverty and vice of the free coloured peo- 
ple, as a reason why they should be removed from among 
us, a fortiore, ought to plead for the freedom and removal 
of the slave.* 

* There were, in the states and territories south of Pennsylvania 
in 1820, 85,813 free coloured persons under twenty-six years of 



LETTER XIV. 167 

We are able to adduce a number of cases, in which Afri- 
cans have passed from a state of slavery to one of freedom* 
and been placed in circumstances in some degree favourable 
to industry and improvement. 

At the close of the revolutionary war, the English had 
in their possession above 2,000 coloured people, who had 
escaped to them from their masters. They were liberated 
and settled on lands in Nova Scotia. They led a harm- 
less life, and gained the character of a peaceable and 
industrious people. They erected places of worship, and 
had ministers of their own. The climate however being too 
cold for them, near 1,400 of them removed to Sierra Leone, 
where they and their descendants are now, most of them 
independent, and some of them wealthy. 

At the close of the last war, there were several hundred 
slaves who had joined the British. They were taken to 
Trinidad, emancipated and settled. It was objected by the 
planters at Trinidad, that they were sure those slaves 
would not work, but be a pest. The trial, however, was 
made, and they have proved, by their good conduct, that 
those fears were groundless.* In both these cases, the 
slaves went from among us — many of them from lower Vir- 
ginia. They had the same habits and general character 
with our present slaves. 

The thousands which the British have rescued from 
slave-ships, and settled at Sierra Leone and its vicinity, 
may be adduced. They are peaceful and industrious. 

I adduce, also, Nottingham's negroes, in the island of 
Tortola. They have been free for above forty years, and 
are of quiet and industrious habits. 

age? 22,385 were above forty-five years of age. Of slaves, there 
were under twenty-six 1,076,802, and only 141,145 above forty- 
five; whereas a fourth proportional would be 280,892 — show- 
ing a deficit 139,047. 

The census of 1830 gives slaves 2,010,436— of these 1,386 are 
above 100 years of age. Of free coloured persons 319,467, and 
of these tbere are 627 above 100 years old. This is greatly in 
favour of the free. They are longer lived. 

* See in the New York Observer, Jan. 23, 1830, a recent account 
of them, which states their condition after fourteen years resi- 
dence there, and says, that not one of them had been a burden to 
the whites. 



168 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

The liberated negroes of Colombia, and other South Ame- 
rican republics, may be mentioned. They are not that 
pest that many apprehend, but of a similar character with 
their white fellow citizens. 

It is in place here to mention, that there are large num- 
bers of free people of colour in most of the West India 
islands. Most of these were manumitted. Many of them 
have become wealthy. Almost all the coffee plantations 
in Jamaica are said to belong to them. 

The Honourable Joshua Steel, of Barbadoes, abolished 
arbitrary punishment, substituted rewards in its place, 
treated his negroes (300 in number) as hirelings, and after 
a number of years trial, found that his clear gains were 
above three-fold what they had previously been. He could 
procure three-fold more work from them, and their health 
and comfort and increase was improved in the same pro- 
portion.* Our own colony at Liberia may also be referred 
to. They are doing well, as we have most ample proof. 

The policy of the Spaniards and Portuguese is to en- 
courage manumission, and give to their free coloured peo- 
ple most of the rights and privileges which they them- 
selves enjoy; they have not experienced those evils which 
it is asserted will follow from allowing them to remain 
among us. 

The plan of liberating and allowing them to remain 
among us, ought, if adopted, to be accompanied with some 
efficient measures for improving and elevating their cha- 
racter. 

Were all obstructions to emancipation removed ; were 
all under ten years, to be free at twenty-five, and all born 
after this to be free at twenty-one ; were it required that all 
receive a common education, and this be enforced by giv- 
ing freedom at nineteen to those that then could not read ; 
were their marriages and family relations protected, and the 
shameful traffic in them wholly prohibited ; were they 

* I know it is asserted by some, that this case proved a failure 
— that the estate became insolvent. The fact of the case I believe 
was, that Steel's plan was abandoned soon after his death. But 
while Steel pursued the plan above stated, we have his own writ- 
ten declaration, that it was much more profitable than it had pre- 
viously been. 



LETTER XIV. 169 

allowed to buy themselves and relatives at a minimum 
price, and secured the right of a change of masters, when 
it appeared that they were badly used, and a similar change 
for the purpose of bringing husband and wife, parent and 
child together; were they allowed one working-day weekly, 
and encouraged to use it for purchasing themselves, and 
procuring something to begin with ; and were means used 
to give instruction to a sufficient number to serve as reli- 
gious teachers and school-masters for the rest, a very great 
change might, in the course of the next twenty years, be 
effected in the character and condition of that people. 

The danger from insurrections would be almost, if not 
wholly, removed. The door to freedom would be open 
before them ; the road to it so plain and short, that a 
shorter full of danger would not be thought of. The pros- 
pect of freedom and of bettering their condition would ex- 
cite to industry and good conduct; a spirit of improvement 
would be awakened among them. The whites would not 
only be safer, but have the services of better domestics, and 
more efficient labourers. Good conduct might be enforced 
by the penalty of exportation to the idle and to vagrants 
that could not show how they obtained their living. They 
might also be taxed for the support of their own poor. 

Yours, &c. 



15 



170 



LETTER XV. 



Christian Brethren, 

It may admit of a doubt, which of the above measures is 
the best. It is, however, particularly to be noticed, that they 
are so far from being incompatible with each other, that all 
may be used as so many channels to draw off the swelling 
flood of slavery, which threatens to overflow the fairest 
part of our fair Republic. As the Bible, Tract, Sabbath- 
school, Missionary and Education Societies, are the lovely 
sisters of the same blessed family ; all engaged in the same 
good work, although in different departments ; so coloniz- 
ing at home and abroad, together with a plan for changing 
their condition from that of slaves to that of free labourers, 
would give mutual aid in getting clear of the evils of our 
slave system. To carry into full effect any of the above 
measures, the aid of Government is needful. Our Govern- 
ment, however, is a government of the people. Each citi- 
zen possesses some share of power in making laws and 
directing national and state measures. He not only has 
the right of choice as to his civil rulers, but has secured to 
himself the free use of speech and the press. 

The whole system of slavery is but a permitted thing. 
Neither the natural nor moral right of it, nor its expe- 
diency, has been decided by Government. It is not made 
the duty of a citizen to be a slave-holder. A prejudice 
against having free coloured persons among them, has led 
most slave-holding States to throw obstructions in the way 
of manumission. This, however, is a measure of doubtful 
expediency. It has operated to retain many in slavery, and 
thus increased the evil and augmented the danger. There 
are several things which slave-holders can do, that will tell 
on the general cause. 

They can take the proper course with their own slaves, 
and they can reach the whole system, through their civil 
rulers, whom they from time to time elect. 

They can take a proper course with their own slaves. 
They can free those who give evidence that they are capa- 
ble of managing and providing for themselves, and those 
dependent on them. It is not needful that they should 



LETTER XV. 171 

make out as well as the whites generally do, to justify free- 
ing them ; but that we have reason to believe they will not 
prove a burden to others. Many white men provide badly 
for themselves. The evil falls mainly on themselves. We 
are justified in withholding their natural and unalienable 
rights from others only for justifiable reasons. Their not 
making as good a use of their freedom as they might, and 
as others do, is not such a reason. 

Those who evidently are not prepared for freedom, who 
would almost certainly not provide for themselves the 
necessaries of life, might, and perhaps ought to be, detained 
until some change takes place in their habits. This would 
be the case with the young, the very old, and perhaps a 
good many in middle life. 

AVith respect to the old, those who enjoyed their labour 
while their labour was valuable ought of right to support 
them in old age. There would, however, be many cases 
in which the children would willingly undertake the care 
and maintenance of their aged parents. 

And with respect to those between infancy and old age, 
instruction, and putting them on a course of managing for 
themselves would, in most cases, in a few years, prepare 
them for providing for themselves the necessaries of life. 
Managing for ourselves is plainly one of those things that 
depends much on practice. The theory is useful to prac- 
tice, but cannot supply its place. One of the chief causes 
of the debasing effects of slavery is, that the slave is 
almost made a machine of, is directed in everything, pro- 
vided for, and controlled in everything, and thus habits of 
economizing and providing for himself are not formed. 

With respect to young slaves, in most cases their pa- 
rents, when freed, could take them with them. They are 
the natural guardians of their offspring, and where it can 
be avoided, parents ought not to be separated from their 
children. 

In other cases, however, and in all cases, so long as they 
remain with their present masters, care ought to be taken 
to give them that instruction, and form them to those mo- 
ral, and religious, and industrious habits, which would fit 
them for acting well for themselves. Proper training in 
youth so uniformly fits persons for providing and manag- 



172 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ing for themselves, that the law usually terminates their 
minority at eighteen and twenty-one years. There is no 
reason to doubt, but that proper training would fit slaves 
for freedom at the same age. They probably would not 
as uniformly as the whites succeed well; but they would 
succeed so well as to prevent them from being a burden 
to others ; and of course so well as to entitle them to their 
natural right of freedom. This instruction both to young 
and old is what the word of God makes it our duty to im- 
part to all under our authority. 

The relation of master and slave I have shown to be, 
the unlawful condition of the general relation of master 
and servant. The fault, however, in this condition, is 
wholly in the master. In place of procuring voluntary 
servants, and giving them a fair compensation for their la- 
bour, he procures slaves and exacts their labour without 
wages. His retaining them by force in that condition, 
does not, however, free him from the obligation God has 
laid on him, to instruct those under his authority, and thus 
fit them for the duties of accountable beings. They are 
under his control, and to God he must account for the use 
he makes of said control. In fact, the authority which the 
master claims over the slave, which enables him to pre- 
vent others from instructing them, lays on the master a 
double weight of obligation to secure to them that training 
which may fit them for their duties both to God, them- 
selves, and their fellow men. Fearful is the account which 
many slave-holders, and among them not a few professors 
of religion, will have to render on this matter. There is 
a soul murder as well as a murder of the body. The man 
who would starve his slave to death would be considered 
a monster. Many, however, use no means to give their 
slaves the bread of life ; do not teach them to read the 
word of God ; take no pains to have it read to them ; and 
teach them nothing about God, and Christ, and salvation. 
They are not backward to use their authority to procure 
their labour; but as to the whole matter of teaching and 
enforcing moral and religious duty, restraining them from 
vice, and leading them to virtue and religion, except so far 
as it may effect the temporal interests of the master, little 
or nothing is done. Life and limb excepted, no govern- 



LETTER XV. 173 

ment on earth claims a more absolute power over its sub- 
jects, than slave-holders do over their slaves. If the claims 
of religion, the interests of the soul, and the moral duties 
of life, are all neglected; while this authority regards only 
the interests of the master, there must be sin, and that of 
no common kind. 

God declared of Abraham that he knew him, that he 
would command his children and household after him, to 
keep the way of the Lord, to do justice and judgment ; and 
assigns this as a reason why the blessing promised would 
surely come upon him. So faithfully had Abraham acted 
towards his household, as regards religious training, that 
the whole of them received circumcision, and became 
members of the church. 

The Mosaic Law allowed the Jews to keep no servant 
who did not profess the true religion, and become a mem- 
ber of the church. All were to observe the Passover, sanc- 
tify the Sabbath, and appear before God at the Tabernacle 
three times in the year. In short, their servants were 
placed on the same looting with themselves, with respect 
to the duties and privileges of religion. 

The instruction of slaves claims the special attention 
of all who wish to remove the evils of slavery. A chief 
difficulty in the way of colonizing at home or abroad arises 
from the ignorant and improvident habits of slaves. In- 
struction and training is the way to remove this hinderance. 
A chief objection to having them as freedmen among us 
arises from the same source ; and even the evils likely to 
arise from a contest with them, should that fearful event 
take place, would be lessened by elevating and softening 
their character. If we must have conflict, and that at 
home, better have it with persons civilized and softened 
by religion and morals, than with ignorant, rude, and bar- 
barous people. 

The question of sending slaves away as soon as freed, 
or retaining them as hirelings for a time, could be arranged 
as the parties thought best. In many cases it might be for 
the advantage of master and slave, to treat the slave as an 
hireling, until he had earned something, improved his ha- 
bits of managing for himself, and gained information re- 
specting his prospects abroad, and until the master had 
15* 



174 LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 

new-modelled his domestic affairs and changed his family- 
habits. This plan has been successfully followed in va- 
rious cases. 

Care, however, ought to be taken to prevent slaves from 
passing into other hands, who might withhold from them 
their freedom. The case is one in which, as soon as pos- 
sible, it ought to be put out of hazard. No man can tell 
what may take place in future, and many have been greatly 
disappointed in the character and conduct of their own chil- 
dren. Liberty is the natural right of the slave, and the 
laws of God fully and fairly recognize that right. No 
man then in whom that right may, by the civil regulations 
of society, be invested, ought to withhold it, after it may 
safely be restored to the slave. No personal or family 
consideration will justify so doing. We are not to do evil 
that good may come. 

A similar regard ought to be paid to the family relations 
of the slave. The natural relations of husband and wife, 
parent and child, &c, are fully recognized in the word of 
God, and their corresponding duties enjoined. No claim 
of property will justify us in the sight of God in forcing 
the slave to disregard those relations, or neglect the duties 
thence arising. This is often most grievously overlooked, 
and that by professors of religion, in the sales and trans- 
fers and devises of slaves, in which they are parties. 
This ought most conscientiously to be avoided: no gain 
ought to induce us to do it. 

I know not whether, in the present state of things, a 
better course could be taken to promote the cause of free- 
dom, than for slave-holders to change their plan of treating 
their slaves ; substitute reasonable wages for force, as the 
inducements to labour. A plan of this kind would coun- 
teract some of the worst effects of slavery, and tend to 
change the whole system from that of slave to free labour, 
and at the same time, give the means and the preparation 
for emigration, if that was finally thought best. 

That some difficulty would be met with at first, we 
must expect. The evil habits resulting from slavery 
would no doubt show themselves. But patience and per- 
severance would gradually control them. And this we 
are bound to do, not only from the general duty of doing 



LETTER XV. 175 

good to all men, but from the duty to make reparation to 
those whom we or our forefathers may have injured. The 
benefit of slavery has been ours ; the evils and sufferings 
have been the slave's. His evil habits are a grievous part 
of his evils. We of right owe him all the reparation we 
can give, all the help we can afford to correct his evil 
habits. 

But persons may act with efficiency in the capacity of 
citizens. The people are the sovereign. They choose 
their law-makers and rulers, and have reserved to them- 
selves the freedom of speech and of the press. 

It is the undoubted right of those who believe slavery 
wrong, and the laws and policy of the state inexpedient 
and unwise, to use their influence to procure the requisite 
change. Let them exert their iniluence to enlighten and 
give a proper direction to the public mind. They owe it 
to themselves, to the public, to human nature, as well as 
to the best interests of the slave. AVe know that opinions 
govern the world. There are many errors of a practical 
kind which long govern the multitude, after they have 
been exploded by the crcat mass of intelligent men. One 
reason of this is, those intelligent men allow themselves to 
practise with the multitude, their correct opinions to the 
contrary notwithstanding. Their correct opinions, there- 
fore, go for nothing, because contradicted by their practice. 
This is most lamentably the case with respect to slavery. 
Few intelligent men among us justify it; and yet the great 
body of them practise it. How are the unthinking multi- 
tude to find out that it is wrong, while not only the intel- 
ligent, but the moral and religious continue the practice ? 

We insist, therefore, that we all owe to the cause of 
freedom, not only a correct opinion, but a consistent prac- 
tice. 

Were professors of religion and friends of freedom — all 
who wish to remove the evil of slavery, to come out and 
act consistently and steadily, the good effects of it would 
soon be seen and felt. Had the church, at the commence- 
ment of African slavery in this country, taken the proper 
course, it would in all probability have put a stop to it. 
Had the friends of religion and morals united with the 
friends of emancipation, at the close of the revolutionary 



176 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

war, and abandoned slavery, the system would before now 
have gone down. And were the friends of religion and 
morals and personal freedom now to abandon slavery, and 
keep up before the public eye its moral and political evils, 
the system could not stand long before them. A practical 
standard of morals and religion would be held up, which 
would condemn slavery. Slavery would soon come to be 
viewed as we now view polygamy, concubinage, the 
slave-trade, and massacre of prisoners. Most persons 
have some sense of religion, and wish to get to heaven. 
Slavery would soon come to be viewed as incompatible 
with getting there ; and one modification after another 
would take place, until it passed away. 

This ought to be accompanied with a steady and perse- 
vering effort to so change the laws of the state as to put an 
end to the whole system. Until a considerable change is 
made in the laws, great difficulties will lie in the way of 
accomplishing many things that at once ought to be done. 
The shameful traffic in them ought at once to be stopped ; 
their marriages and family relations ought to be protected ; 
and all obstructions to educating them ought to be remov- 
ed. Many lament these evils, and blame the state for 
permitting them, who appear to forget that a part of the 
law-making power is in their hands. They have never 
used their influence with their representatives so to change 
the laws as to remove the evils. They of course stand 
chargeable with a part of the guilt. Our public men will 
do what they know the people wish to have done. If 
they refuse, the people can fill their place with others who 
will carry into effect their will. 

The Scriptures are full of proof that wicked rulers — 
those who tolerate injustice and oppression, or sanction it 
by law, bring the judgments of God upon the people. But 
in our government where the people make the laws, and 
execute them by men chosen for this purpose, the guilt of 
unjust laws and oppressions under them lies mainly on 
the people. If they abuse the power of self-government, 
they may expect to be punished for it ; and may possibly 
have that power taken from them. The friends of religion 
and pure morals and personal freedom owe it to God, to 
their country, to the rights of men, and to themselves, to 



LETTER XV. 177 

use their whole influence to correct the evils of the slave- 
system. If they allow their influence to be on the wrong 
side, or permit it to lie idle, and thus enable men who 
have no regard for right, who perhaps have their gains 
from slavery, to have the rule, and perpetuate these evils, 
— they will not, they cannot escape a participation in the 
guilt. Our power in our government is a talent put into 
our hands to be used for good ; if we bury it, we will in 
vain expect to escape the doom of the unprofitable servant. 
Among all the causes which are promoted by a union of 
their friends, I know of few that have stronger claims on 
us, as citizens, than the removing of slavery from the south. 
The Colonization Society has embodied many. Their 
efforts, however, are directed abroad, and will, I fear, fail 
to save the south, unless other measures, not embraced in 
their plan, be set in operation and steadily carried for- 
ward. 

The fact that all the great interests of the south will re- 
ally be promoted by the measure, ought to have a con- 
trolling weight with us. Some, I know, have doubts on 
this matter ; and this ties up their hands from those efforts 
they might otherwise make. It is, however, a position 
which so many things go to prove, that few, if any, whose 
minds are not biassed, refuse their assent. We have al- 
ready made several allusions to this matter, and can adduce 
but a few points at present. 

That free labour is really more profitable to a commu- 
nity, lew will doubt who have made themselves acquainted 
with the state of things in slave-holding and non-slave- 
holding communities. The whole state of the country, 
from the roads along which they travel to the houses in 
which they live, give proof of it. The one exhibits a 
neatness, care and comfort, an industry, economy and good 
management; while the other presents the marks of a care- 
less, improvident and unskilful hand — a country worn out 
and roads almost impassable ; and it requires but little at- 
tention to the nature of the case to be satisfied as to the 
cause of this difference. 

AVhere slavery exists, it will make the kind of labour 
performed by slaves discreditable with their masters — the 
disgrace of the slave will, less or more, be attached to his 



178 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

work ; and few will be found willing to do it. Idle habits 
are more natural to us than habits of industry. The con- 
sequence always is, that in a slave-holding state a much 
smaller proportion of the whole population labour than do 
in a free state. But all must eat and wear. 

Take a household of twenty persons in a non-slave- 
holding community, and most of them, perhaps all, are 
efficient labourers in their several departments. But take 
one of the same size in a slave-holding community, and 
perhaps one half of them are white persons, who are above 
doing negroes' work, who in fact add but little to the pro- 
ductive labour done. The result must be very different 
in the clear gains of those families. 

But there is a great difference in another respect. Free 
men work for themselves, and are under the full influence 
of personal interest in all their labours, cares and savings. 
It reaches all that is done. Not so the slave, on whom 
the labour, in the other case, devolves. He does not labour 
and manage for himself. Whether he does little or much, 
is careful or careless, does not affect him any farther than 
it may expose him to chastisement or the reverse. Nothing 
but a constant miracle could prevent such a state of things 
producing results widely different. It is generally admit- 
ted that slaves do less work than freemen. As to the 
comparative amount, there is much diversity of opinion ? 
and no doubt much will depend on the circumstances of 
the case. While some suppose that on an average, three 
slaves do as much as two freemen ; others suppose that 
they do not more than from one-half to one-third as much, 
taking into account the way it is done. 

To this we must add, that almost universally, the slave 
must be directed, and watched, or he will do nothing. The 
pay of the overseer, who is usually a man who follows it 
for a living and must be supported, is another heavy tax, 
to be deducted from the profits of the slave's labour. 

We may add, as another item, the wear and tear of tools, 
stock, &c. over and above what would take place in the 
hands of those interested ; for the same feelings which 
make the slave idle make him careless of what is put into 
his hands to work with or manage. 

The food and clothing of the slave are usually of an in- 



LETTER XV. 179 

ferior kind ; bat I doubt whether there be as much saving 
here as many suppose. The freeman will take care of all 
that is left — the slave will waste what he gets. What is 
lost through waste will often balance what is saved in 
quality. Nor ought we to forget that slaves almost univer- 
sally will pilfer from their masters ; and, to avoid detec- 
tion, they often destroy what they cannot at once use. 
The expense from this cause, with that incurred to pre- 
vent it, in locks and fastenings, &c. amount to a pretty 
heavy item. 

The fact that slaves receive no wages may, by some, be 
thought to balance the account, if not turn the scale in 
favour of slavery. The evidence, however, I apprehend, 
is against it. Suppose a slave performs two-thirds of the 
work that a free labourer would do. To have the same 
amount of work done, three slaves must be maintained to 
do what two freemen would do. There is the original 
cost of said slaves — they must be kept and fed and clothed 
constantly, their taxes paid, their doctor's bills, &c. Free 
labourers are employed only when needed, then dismissed. 
There are usually a part of the slaves, in children, females, 
and aged ones, &c, often from one-half to two-thirds, that 
add little, if any, to the productive labour that is performed. 
They must all, however, be supported. When the whole 
is cast up, the balance must turn in favour of free labour. 

But slavery is almost sure to lead, not only to idle habits 
in the owners, but to expensive modes of living. Not be- 
ing employed in labour, the owners will go much abroad — 
mix more in company — engage more in amusements — not 
to say vices. This will lead to expense in clothing, equip- 
age and attendants. Those who visit much, must receive 
visits. Table expenses must be increased. Amusements 
and pleasures are always expensive, and when entered on, 
it is hard to find a stopping place. It is an old saying, 
that " the devil linds employment for idle people." From 
innocent amusements, they pass to those less innocent. 
" Evil communications corrupt good manners." They often 
end in vice of a ruinous character, from which habits of 
industry would have saved them. 

I noticed, in a former letter, some of the moral evils pro- 
duced by slavery. I will not here repeat them, but simply 



180 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

remark, that the shameful licentiousness that prevails in 
the south is mainly to be ascribed to the slave system. 
And it will be no easy matter to correct it, while that system 
continues. Were there no other reason, every one that 
believes the Bible — every one that values purity — ought to 
exert themselves to put it down. 

Slavery operates against improvements in the arts, and 
that in many ways. Slave-labour never can compete with 
free labour, as to neatness and skill. The more fine and 
valuable and costly manufactories cannot exist, and be car- 
ried on with slaves. Of course, they must be imported 
and paid for in raw materials, or manufactures of a coarser 
kind. The balance of profit must be against slave-holders. 

It is equally unfavourable to intellectual and moral im- 
provement among the people at large. Those institutions, 
on which the moral and intellectual improvement of a peo- 
ple mainly depend, require for their support, a certain 
denseness of population. It is thus with schools and 
churches. To keep up a good system of instruction in a 
neighbourhood, there ought to be within reach such a num- 
ber of children, as would form a school constantly. This 
would lighten the expense, and enable each parent to send 
his child at such times as he could most easily be spared. 
When, however, a large part of the population are slaves, 
who are not sent to school, the residue often are not suffi- 
cient to form a school. The extent to which the middle 
and lower classes are suffering from this cause, in many 
parts of the slave-holding states, is distressing. Nor is it 
easy to find a remedy. 

The same evil lies in the way of maintaining the Gos- 
pel. An intelligent ministry is a most important means, 
not only of moral and religious, but intellectual improve- 
ment. No other perhaps is more efficient. A man may, 
during the common service of the Sabbath, impart to a 
thousand people, a mass of well digested information, 
which will not only effect their hearts, but keep their 
thoughts and consciences at work for the ensuing week. 
But the man that would thus operate on the moral and in- 
tellectual character of a people, must give himself to the 
work, must make it his profession, and must live by it. 
But where a large part of the population are slaves, a part 



LETTER XV. 181 

of whose owners care but little about religion, it is often 
impracticable to support such a ministry. Either none is 
enjoyed, or so seldom, and of such a kind, as affords but 
little moral and less intellectual improvement. Look at 
Virginia, look at the slave-holding states generally, and see 
the proof of this fact. 

Yours, &c. 



16 



182 



LETTER XVI. 



Christian Brethren, 

Many of those considerations, which go to show the 
necessity of acting with promptness on this matter, have 
already been noticed. It may, however, be of use to refer 
again to this point; and especially to some topics which 
deserve the serious and prayerful attention of all who re- 
ceive God's word, and believe in a righteous and retribu- 
tive providence. 

It is declared of God, " with the merciful, thou wilt 
show thyself merciful; with the upright man, thou wilt 
show thyself upright; with the pure thou wilt show thy- 
self pure; and with the froward, thou wilt show thyself 
froward : for thou wilt save the afflicted people, but wilt 
bring down high looks." 

"If thou forbear to deliver those that are drawn unto 
death, and those that are ready to be slain. If thou sayest, 
Behold, I knew it not : doth not he that pondereth the 
heart consider it; and he that keepeth thy soul, doth not 
he know it? and shall he not render to every man accord- 
ing to his work?" 

" These nations shall serve the king of Babylon seventy 
years — -and when seventy years are accomplished, I will 
punish that nation for their iniquity. Many nations and 
great kings shall serve themselves of them, and I will re- 
compense them according to their deeds, and according to 
the work of their hands." 

"Reward her as she hath rewarded you, and double to her 
double, according to all her works. In the cup which she 
hath filled, fill to her double." Psal. xviii. Prov. xxiv. 
Jer. xxv. Rev. xviii. 

These, with a multitude of other passages, teach the 
doctrine of recompenses. 

They assure us, that God, in his dealings with indivi- 
duals and nations, will recompense them according to their 
works. Not only is this doctrine plainly taught, but the 
Scriptures are full of examples. 

The Egyptians oppressed Israel, held them fast and re- , 



LETTER XVI. 183 

fused to let them go. But the judgments of God fell more 
and more heavily on them, until they were constrained to 
send them out free, after Egypt was almost ruined by the 
delay. 

They had attempted to prevent the increase of Israel, by 
destroying their children ; and God destroyed all the first- 
born of Egypt, both man and beast. 

They compelled Israel to labour without wages, under 
task-masters; and God, by his judgments, compelled them 
to give to Israel gold, silver and raiment, until Egypt was 
spoiled and Israel rewarded. 

These things happened for examples, and were written 
for our instruction. And we are to notice that the gene- 
ration of the Egyptians that drank this bitter cup, was not 
the one that began the system of oppression. They how- 
ever continued it, and received this visitation for their own 
sins, and the sins of their fathers. They might have 
escaped by letting Israel go out free, but this they refused 
to do and were dealt with accord ingty. 

The kingdom of Judah was destroyed, the city and tem- 
ple burnt, many of the people slain, and the rest taken 
captive and reduced to slavery, expressly for the crime of 
enslaving others, (Jer. 34.) Other sins no doubt were 
punished by these judgments, but this was the sin that was 
especially pointed out as the leading one. 

Buying and selling persons is specified as a sin that was 
visited on the kingdom of Israel, when it was destroyed. 
God swear he would not forget it. They were delivered 
to their enemies and sold for bond-men. 

The kingdoms of Tyre and Edoin, Ammon and Moab, 
Gaza, Assyria and Babylon, are all charged with this sin, 
and judgments were sent on them for it, and they were re- 
compensed by being, in their turn, dealt with in the same 
way. 

Adonijah, when his thumbs and great toes were cut off, 
confessed that he had served seventy kings in the same 
way ; and, although a heathen, owned the retributive jus- 
tice of God in it : " As I have done, so God requited me." 
" So they hanged Raman on the gallows that he had pre- 
pared for Mordecai," — he was recompensed according to 
his device against the Jews. 



184 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

Profane history is full of examples illustrative of the 
same principle, and not a few respecting slavery. 

Tyre was a great slave-trader and slave-holder — she 
traded in the persons of men ; and Tyre perished in a 
night, by her slaves. But one master is said to have es- 
caped, and he owed his liie to the affection of a slave, to 
■whom he had been more than usually kind. 

The states of Greece were sorely injured by their slaves ; 
and Lacedemon, who had distinguished herself by her cru- 
elty, received a punishment deep and shameful in propor- 
tion. They saw the slaves in power, and indulging their 
lusts on the wives and daughters of their former masters. 

The Romans were repeatedly brought to the verge of 
ruin by their slaves ; and one series of insurrections in 
Sicily was not closed until near a million of lives were 
lost. That was but one of the many bloody scenes through 
which slavery led her. 

The Sarin atians were expelled their country by their 
slaves. The fate of the whites of St. Domingo is gene- 
rally known. 

History is full of insurrections and rebellions against 
despotic rulers ; and there is no kind of government more 
absolute and despotic than that over slaves. The most 
despotic political power leaves more liberty to the subject 
than is possessed by the slave. Where is the government 
that allows the subject to hold no property, that does not 
recognize the marriage and parental relation, that carries 
on a trade in its people, as well as compels them to per- 
petual service without wages ? T5ad as political slavery is, 
it is not so bad as personal — much as people may desire 
political, much more do they, and with good reason, desire 
personal freedom. And as rebellion against political power, 
and civil wars growing out of them, are a hundred-fold 
worse than foreign wars ; so insurrections for personal 
liberty always have, and always will, assume still more 
frightful forms. This all history proves. 

With such declarations of God's hatred of oppression, 
and his purpose to punish it ; and with so many examples 
of it in the history of the world, what have we to expect 
at the hand of a God of recompense ? 



LETTER XVI. 185 

God, in his gracious providence, gave our fathers, who 
settled in this western world, both to know their rights and 
to enjoy them. Most of the settlements in America, were 
made between 1620 and 1680, the very period in which 
the great contest about freedom and personal rights took 
place in England, and before the face of Europe. The 
question was pretty well understood ; and our fathers ap- 
preciated their rights. Yet very soon they introduced the 
system of negro slavery, the most hopeless and oppres- 
sive that was ever laid on human nature. 

And during the contest for our independence, we declared 
that liberty ivas an unalienable right — we invoked the 
God of truth, and equity, and justice, to aid us in defend- 
ing it. Preachers justified contending for it, and suppli- 
cated aid from on high. The professor of religion took 
part in the contest, and mingled in the field of battle ; and 
when God gave success, and made us free, what did we 
do for the slave ? He did not take sides against us ; but 
aided us in cultivating our fields and supporting our fami- 
lies. Did we give him that freedom which we declared 
before heaven and earth was the unalienable right of all 
men? No; we riveted his chains more fast; we shut him 
out more and more from instruction; we added more to 
bis disabilities, and threw more obstructions in the way of 
his attaining to freedom. 

There has but seldom, in the history of the world, been 
a wider departure, by a nation, from their own avowed 
principles, or a more glaring deviation from the rule of 
doing as they would be done by. What will be our doom, 
if we have measured to us as we have measured to our 
slaves, if we are recompensed according to our works ? 
This, without repentance and amendment, is what both 
Scripture and history lead us to expect. 

Thus far, it is true, we have not seen the day of righteous 
retribution. We have, however, in the injured morals of 
our people, and in the declining prosperity of the slave- 
holding states, no dubious tokens of God's displeasure; 
and a man must be ignorant, or inattentive, or infatuated, 
not to see the natural means of retribution so gathering in 
the south, that, instead of a miracle being needful to pun^ 
16* 



186 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

ish us, nothing but a miracle can prevent it, unless we 
change our course. 

The whole country, from the Potomac to the Sabine, 
and from the mountains to the sea-board, has a population 
of blacks more numerous than the whites. In large dis- 
tricts near the coast, on the best lands, at the mouth of all 
our rivers, and about our harbours, they are already much 
the most numerous. The state of the south is now full of 
danger ; and every year increases the physical and moral 
power of the blacks much faster than that of the whites. 
A military establishment will soon be needful to protect 
the south, and that must be increased from time to time, 
with the increasing danger. It can hardly be supposed, 
that the non-slave-holding states will agree to bear the ex- 
pense of a standing army to protect slave-holders against 
their slaves and to hold said slaves in bondage, and if the 
whole expense lies on the south it must, added to the great 
disadvantages of slave-labour, exceedingly oppress the 
south. But were that evil got over, there are others. In 
a government like this, standing armies are dangerous, and 
with the existing jealousies between the north and south, 
which may be expected to last while slavery does, it is 
not to be supposed that the north would be satisfied to see 
a growing military force in the south, and devoted to the 
south. 

Such a state of things, would in all probability, lead to 
convulsions. The North and the South would separate. 
Military despotism would arise in the South, and the rapid 
increase of the coloured population, would soon make it 
needful to conciliate them. Amidst the revolutions that 
would follow, the slaves would most likely be called in by 
some party, or taking advantage of those troubled scenes, 
they would triumph over the whites. The whole state 
of things, looks so much that way, that I know not how 
any can help forseeing that such times are to pass over the 
South, unless a new course be taken with that people. 

And should the slaves fail in their first efforts, as proba- 
bly they would, who can think, without horror, of the 
scenes that would attend the attempt. The situation in 
which they now are, makes it a forfeiture of life, to try 






LETTER XVI. 187 

forcibly to get free ; and all other ways are closed against 
them. All men, however, love freedom, and every age 
and nation have furnished men who would risk even life 
itself, for freedom, when there was a prospect of obtaining 
it. And much more is this the case, in this age of free- 
dom. The situation in which slaves are placed, leaves 
them only the bitter alternative of remaining with their 
children after thein in slavery, or of forcibly seeking freedom 
by the destruction of their masters. It is your neck or 
mine. If they fail, they die ; and this naturally leads to 
the darkest and most deadly measures. The history of 
insurrections prove this. 

Were they to succeed in destroying or driving off their 
owners, and taking possession of some considerable dis- 
trict in the South, who can think without pain of the 
scenes that would most probably follow. The attempts to 
subdue them ; the retaliation, &c. It would be no com- 
mon contest, and He alone who knows all things, can tell 
where it would end. 

In our revolutionary contest with England, there were 
many of our fathers who would have done or suffered 
almost any tiling to prevent it. Some of them were born 
in England, many of them had friends and relations there. 
They loved England, and had the control of the matter 
been in their hands, they would have borne all that Eng- 
land might have imposed rather than contend. But when 
the contest came, much as they regretted it, they took 
sides with their own country, and fought against England 
and all their dear friends that were there. 

"When the contest takes place between the masters and 
the slaves in the South, it will, I doubt not, be found that 
thousands of slaves who love their masters as individuals, 
and would do almost anything for them, will still join their 
own people and fight for freedom. There is no other door 
open before them, through which the hope of freedom can 
come. Oh, it is cruel, it is dreadfully cruel to shut up a 
fellow creature to so dire an alternative. 

It is farther to be recollected, that the state of things in 
the West Indies, Mexico and South America, generally, 
wears a threatening aspect towards slavery. Haiti is a 



188 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

growing power, within a few days sail of our southern 
coast. It has now a standing army of some size. Al- 
though free above thirty years, we have not recognized 
their independence, while we have that of all the South 
American States, although much younger. This deport- 
ment towards them may be expected to beget resentment. 
They see millions of their own race filling up our Southern 
country, and retained in slavery, while we boast of our free 
institutions. The slaves in most of the South American 
States have been freed, or are approaching that condition. 
We may calculate, that any serious attempt at freedom in the 
South, will be planned with an eye to help from abroad. 
Were three or four divisions of Haitians, of twenty or 
thirty thousand each, with several hundred thousand stand 
of arms, to land in the South, and proclaim liberty to the 
slaves and give them arms and leaders, what would be the 
condition of the South ? 

It ought also to be recollected, that while the chief Go- 
vernments of Europe have a prejudice against us for our 
republican institutions which are undermining the throne, 
and displacing the sceptre ; and while they are jealous of 
our rising greatness, they themselves are becoming more 
and more the advocates of personal liberty. Slavery is 
expelled from most of their dominions, and efforts mak- 
ing to put an end to it in their colonies. Were we to 
get into a contest with our slaves, we have reason to fear 
they would not long stand neutral, and even in our own 
country, should such a rising of the blacks take place, that 
the South could not put it down, I much doubt whether 
the North would aid in doing it. The North is strongly op- 
posed to slavery, and has proposed various plans for hav- 
ing it removed. These have not been kindly met by the 
South. That some would be for aiding the South, I doubt 
not; but that the great mass of the people would, I much 
doubt. If they did interpose, it more probably would be 
as mediators. At all events, it is not wise to let a state of 
things go on, that will before long make assistance neces- 
sary, when there is no certainty .that it will be received. 
The state of things between the North and South, has 
more than once been such, as to make the friends of our 



LETTER XVI. 189 

country feel anxious about the permanency of our Union. 
Should a separation take place, and a contest follow, what 
would be the condition of the South 1 With the feeling of 
the North respecting slavery, and the mass of slaves in the 
South, we might look for the system to go down in blood. 
These causes of apprehensions, are increased by the 
character of our slave population. It is always worse to 
fall into the hands of a half-civilized and immoral, than of 
a refined people. In our contest with England, cruel usage 
and abuse of females, were little feared and seldom expe- 
rienced. The case at Hampden, was condemned by the 
English themselves. The nation and army both felt mor- 
tified at it. But what might we not expect from the slave 
population in the South ? We have purposely kept them 
ignorant, and thrown obstructions in the way of their 
improvement. Nothing has been done to give them a sense 
of character ; nothing to purify and elevate their feelings ; 
nothing to give them a well grounded moral and religious 
sentiment. They have been subjected to harsh and debas- 
ing treatment, placed under the rule of the lowest, most 
unfeeling, and basest part of the whites. The marriage and 
family relations have been wholly unprotected — have been 
disregarded at pleasure. They have seen their females 
almost universally subjected to pollution, and believe that 
in a multitude of instances, violence or other unfair means 
have been used by the whites to accomplish it. What are 
we to expect from a people thus treated, should they gain 
the ascendency? What would be the condition of white 
females that might come under their power ? Look at the 
judgments of God, denounced on people for the abuse of 
females. A punishment in kind, is repeatedly threatened. 
With a character for purity themselves, equal to that of 
auy other people, the white females of the slave-holding 
States, have not exerted their influence as they ought and 
as they might, to protect the purity of the blacks. Such is 
the influence of the female part of our community, that had 
it been fully and fairly directed to protect the marriages 
and general purity of the blacks, we need not doubt but 
that to a great degree it would have done it. It is painful 
to think of the retribution that awaits them, growing in 



190 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

part out of their own omission of duty, should the slaves 
gain an ascendency in the South. 

Some entertain the hope, that Virginia may be able to 
get clear of her slaves, or at least by sending them to the 
South and West, so keep their number down as to be in 
little danger from them. This opinion may operate to 
prevent those efficient measures that ought to be taken to 
remove the evil. Suppose that by becoming more and 
more a negro-trader, she may remove them to the South 
and West, the consequence will be, that she will thus pre- 
pare a more speedy and inevitable ruin for the South ; and 
many of her own children will be involved in the ruin. 
Thousands of them are in the South, and every year adds 
to their number. She may sutler as deep a shame and 
punishment in the persons of her sons and daughters in 
the South, as she could at home. And when the South 
shall have passed into the hands of the blacks, how will it 
be with her at home ? There has for forty years past been 
in proportion as great an emigration of blacks to the South 
and West, as we need expect for the future; while their 
increase at home has been greater than that of the whites. 
Not only have they become more numerous, but more in- 
telligent, and better qualified to take advantage of any 
emergency that may arise ; and from the day that a suc- 
cessful insurrection takes place in any part of the South, 
our whole sea-board, from the Potomac to the Sabine, will 
be in perpetual jeopardy. 

If the South has not wisdom enough to prevent more 
blacks from coming there, Virginia ought to have com- 
passion enough not to send any more, unless she is willing 
to see them in possession of it. The safety of the South 
lies, in so managing matters, as to prevent any part of it 
from passing by violence into the hands of the blacks. 
When that takes place, it will be like the breaking forth 
of waters, none can tell how far they may flow. 

The great reliance which many place on prudence and 
caution, as the way to escape the evil, while nothing is 
done to arrest its approach, is a painful matter. Admitting 
all the efficacy these can have, they are wholly inadequate 
to give security. No prudence or caution will prevent the 



LETTER XVI. 191 

increase of their physical or moral power. Within less 
than a common lifetime from this, they will, from their 
number, if nothing be done, be in possession of the South. 

But there is no wisdom nor council against the Most High. 
It is his declaration, that he will visit for sin. The whole 
history of his dealings towards man, proves, that when 
his time for retribution is come, he will find means to ex- 
ecute it; and not unfrequently he uses means prepared by 
those whom he would chastise. Pharaoh spared and ediu 
cated Moses in his palace, trained him in all the learning 
of Egypt, and thus qualified him to be the avenger of his 
people, to spoil Egypt, and make Israel free. 

Cesar spared Brutus, and gave him that access to his 
person, and those other advantages, that enabled him to be 
the avenger of his country, by the death of the tyrant. 

Charles the First obliged Cromwell to land and remain 
in England, when on the point to sail for and settle in 
America. He was detained in England to avenge an in- 
jured people, chastise a corrupt and fawning nobility, and 
take the head from an oppressive and tyrannical king. 

If those times do pass over the South, that we have so 
much reason to fear, the event will probably show, that in 
the families of some of those who have been the great 
supporters of the slave system, and most devoted to its 
gains, and opposed to all attempts to do it away, will have 
been raised and prepared the avengers of their people. 
Such masters have often favourite slaves, sometimes mu- 
lattoes, who enjoy great advantages for gaining informa- 
tion, and who possess enlarged views of the state of their 
own people and of the world. God often takes the wise 
in their own craftiness, and makes their folly, as well as 
their wrath, to praise him. 

The importance of beginning in time is admitted on most 
subjects. Many, however, I fear, are not aware of the 
pressing nature of this matter. Every unprejudiced mind, 
I should think, must, on looking at the whole subject, ad- 
mit, that it has been put off too long. It is one of those 
things that must be placed in a different position, or the 
most fatal consequences will ensue. 

While the number of slaves was small, their doubling 



192 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 

did not make so striking a difference. But we have now 
above two millions, and a few more doublings will give us 
a number wholly unmanageable. 

Those who possess absolute authority over others, can 
seldom be induced, in the greatest emergency to resign it. 
Not unfrequently, every disinterested person can see, that 
give up or ruin is the only alternative ; while those in 
power are so blinded or infatuated, as confidently to think 
they can weather the storm. How many rulers have been 
hurled from their seats to ruin, who, if they could have 
been induced to consult moderation, might long have pos- 
sessed all the power it was good for them to possess. 
How many by grasping too much have lost all ; and how 
many have looked back with long and bitter regrets, at 
their folly, in not being more reasonable in their claims, 
and more regardful of the rights of others. 

The British government was admonished again and 
again not to hold her colonies with too hard a grasp, not 
to force them to be her enemies, and advised to make it 
their interest to be her friends. She laughed at the idea 
of our resisting, and, glorying in her strength, was confi- 
dent that she could put us down at once. How many 
bitter regrets has it cost her! and what a rival has she 
raised up in her path. In 1840, we will have a coloured 
population equal to our whole population when we en- 
tered into that contest with the mother country. We had 
then half a million of slaves among us, who might be con- 
sidered as deducting an equal number from our strength, 
leaving us an effective white population at that time not 
equal to our present number of blacks. And I venture to 
say, that the great body of disinterested persons thought 
our prospect of success not better, than similar persons 
would think a well arranged insurrection of blacks in the 
South. And surely none among us can be more confident 
of our ability to put down an insurrection, than England 
was of her ability to crush our attempt to go out free and 
independent states. England, however, was sorely disap- 
pointed. A train of events, ordered by an overruling 
Providence, took place, which she could not control ; and 
as the result, we went out free. It would be wise in us 



LETTER XVI. 193 

to take warning. How bitterly are those statesmen con- 
demned who led England into those unwise measures, and 
how will the names of our leading men stand with pos- 
terity, if they provide not against the evil before us ? 

We justly, and almost universally, blame our fathers for 
introducing negro-slavery among us ; and what will our 
children say of us, if we let the evil go on until the blacks 
take possession of the South ; seize on all our sea-board ; 
occupy the mouths of all our southern rivers ; cut off our 
trade from abroad ; force our children into the mountains ; 
and oblige them either to give up all foreign trade, or pay 
them a tribute for being allowed to pass out to the ocean? 
I know the indignation which the bare mention of such a 
thing will produce. It will not, I admit, take place with 
the consent of the whites. But what can a man do when 
another has become too strong for him ? Many a man, and 
many a people, have submitted to things sorely against 
their will. England was as reluctant to let us go out free, 
and thus lose the fairest jewel in her crown, as we would 
be to let the blacks have the South. But what could she 
do ? Contend eternally ? We had become too strong for 
her. She only hurt herself. It is one of those cases in 
which, if we let things go on, in their present course, the 
time is not distant when the consequences cannot be con- 
trolled ; and if the temper which has thus far prevailed in 
the South be allowed to rule a few years longer, the mat- 
ter will be incurable, except by violent remedies ; and the 
names of those who have been in power, and have used 
that power to prevent better measures, will be classed with 
those who brought the Africans to our land. The one for 
gain brought them in violation of all right, and the other 
for gain and want of wisdom have, although warned again 
and again, refused to adopt the only measures that pro- 
mised to arrest and avert the impending evil. 

Yours, &c. 



17 



195 



APPENDIX. 



A. 

There are many things in negro slavery, as it exists 
among us, to which we all would think it exceedingly hard 
and unjust, to be ourselves and families subjected. Now 
the law of " doing as we would be done by," — the law of 
" loving our neighbour as ourselves," appears to me most 
manifestly to forbid that we should subject others to these 
things. 

The negro slave may, with a solitary exception, be said 
to be stript of all his rights. The law recognizes his right 
to life, and makes some provisions to secure it from being 
violently taken away ; but even those provisions are far 
short of what are deemed necessary to secure the life of 
the white man. How this difference is viewed in the eyes 
of him who " made of one blood all nations of men," and 
declares " himself no respecter of persons," deserves the 
serious consideration of all ; and especially of those who 
call God their Father, and profess to take his word for the 
rule of their conduct. 

With the above exception, I hardly know the right, 
natural, civil, or religious, which the slave can be said to 
possess. All are claimed by the master ; and the law of 
the land sustains his claim. The slave is reduced to a 
mere chattel — is held by his master as property, with ab- 
solute and uncontrolled authority to use him and treat him 
as his interest, or passion, or caprice may dictate. The 
slave may be bought and sold at pleasure ; and that with- 
out any regard to his inclinations ; without any regard to 
long and faithful services — and without any regard to family 
ties. His times of labour and of rest — the kind and de- 
gree of labour, depend on the will of his master. Should 



196 APPENDIX. 

a master refuse the degree of rest needful to support na- 
ture — should he work his slave beyond his natural strength, 
the slave has no redress. No one is authorized to inter- 
fere. The master claims the whole proceeds of the labour 
of the slave ; and that without acknowledging any obliga- 
tion to give any compensation, more than a bare subsist- 
ence. And as to the means of subsistence, the kind and 
quantity of food and clothing, the master has it absolutely 
in his power. Should he give what is unhealthy in kind, 
and insufficient in quantity, there is no redress. The mas- 
ter may punish his slave in what manner and degree he 
pleases, (not immediately taking life) for his faults, real or 
suspected ; or for no fault at all. Should a master from 
prejudice, or caprice, or sheer cruelty, abuse and punish 
and torture his slave every day, as much as his nature 
would bear ; I know of no law of the land which would 
make it the duty, or enable any one to interfere and stop 
the crying injustice. The master may cut off his slave, 
to what extent he please, from intercourse with the world. 
He may prevent his forming family connections ; or he 
may break them up when formed. Where the relation of 
husband and wife exists in good faith between the parties, 
and is strengthened by all the endearments of a family of 
children, the pledges of their mutual love, the law still 
gives no protection. The master may sell the husband 
without the wife, or the wife without the husband ; the 
parents without the children, or the children without the 
parents. He may sell them all — he may sell them all 
separately ; one to one man, to be removed in one direc- 
tion, and another to another man, to be taken in a different 
direction, as his interest, passion, or caprice may influence. 
The owner may keep his slaves as ignorant as he please, 
or as ignorant as he can. He may refuse to teach them to 
read, and may forbid any other person to do it. He may 
oppose their religious instruction. He may prevent their 
attending the preaching of the gospel. He may place 
them in situations so remote from the public means of 
grace, and so lay his commands on them as to staying at 
home, that, humanly speaking, the slave has no chance of 
hearing and understanding the gospel to his salvation. Yea 



APPENDIX. 197 

so absolute is the power of the master, and so cut off from 
all help and all defence is the slave, that the slave may be 
obliged to enter on and pursue sinful courses. Female 
slaves may be compelled to unclean living. The direct 
power of the owner or manager to enforce his wishes, by 
hard usage, and punishment in various forms, and the want 
of means of defence on the part of the slave, even as to 
giving testimony against a white man, places the purity of 
the female, and the comfort and happiness of both male 
and female, as connected with female purity and mutual 
confidence, in the power of those over them. "Whether 
slaves be allowed to perform parental duties — educate their 
children, or children perform filial duties, depends on the 
will of the owner. 

It would be easy to add to the above statement other 
things in which the situation of the slave is most expos- 
ed—is most hard — is such as their masters would be 
utterly unwilling to be held in themselves with their fami- 
lies — is such that masters would think it righteous in the 
sight of God and man, to run every hazard and contend 
even unto blood, rather than continue in it, and leave it a 
heritage of sufferings and wrongs to their children. 

Now the single question I would press for an answer, 
given in the fear of God, is this: 

Is the believer in the Bible, is the professor of the reli- 
gion of Christ, justified — can he be justified in the sight of 
him who is no respecter of persons ?■ — Can he be justified 
by that word of God, which commands him to "love his 
neighbour as himself" — by that command of Christ, "In 
all things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto 
you, do ye even so to them," can he, I say, be justified in 
holding a fellow creature deprived of rights which, in his 
own case, he declares unalienable; and for which he would 
think himself justified in the sight of heaven and earth, in 
contending even unto blood? — Can he be justified in giv- 
ing his countenance to a system, which is based on a total 
disregard for rights, which he puts in the same scale with 
his own existence, — a system, which opens the door for 
evils and oppressions, against which he would think it 
right to defend himself and family at every hazard? Can 
17* 



198 APPENDIX. 

he be acquitted before that " God, who is of purer eyes 
than to behold iniquity," in giving in to a practice, preg- 
nant with so many evils : which presents such strong 
temptations to iniquity, and which operates in so many 
ways against the salvation of both master and slave? 

I think it useless here to enumerate all the ways, in 
which professors of religion explain the "rule of doing as 
we would be done by," in its application to slavery. Per- 
haps the more common way is to apply the rule to the 
case in a very partial manner; in a manner so partial, as 
not at all to touch its most essential parts. Thus the 
whole matter of depriving a fellow creature of his rights; 
or (which in its morality is the same) withholding them 
from him, is passed over. 

The rule of doing as we would be done by is not ap- 
plied to the act of withholding his rights; but to the treat- 
ment he receives, considered as thus stripped of them ! 
"We daily meet with persons, who appear to make the 
whole morality of holding slaves, consist in the manner of 
treating them. To the treatment of slaves simply consi- 
dered, they, in some sort, apply the rule; but to the act of 
holding a fellow creature in slavery, considered separately 
from his treatment in that state, they appear not to apply 
the rule at all. They take it for granted that the " rule of 
doing as we would be done by," allows the holding of 
slaves, provided we treat them well. 

Now this to me appears, most manifestly, a partial ap- 
plication of the rule to the case. The most important part 
of the case is not tried by the rule at all. No question is 
made about stripping a fellow creature of rights, or with- 
holding them from him. And why not? Is it not one of 
those cases in which we can suppose ourselves in a change 
of place, and so apply the rule as easily, as we can to any 
special act of treatment towards those in slavery? On what 
authority is it withdrawn from the catalogue, embraced by 
our Saviour in the first part of his rule : " In all things, 
dec., do ye, &c." 

It appears to me capable, if not of absolute demonstra- 
tion, yet of a high degree of proof, that the single act of 
withholding from a fellow creature his rights, or in other 



APPENDIX. 199 

words, the holding him in slavery is the "very head and 

front of the offending." This is the great original sin in 

every case where slavery, such as exists among us, is 

found. The treatment of slaves may be good or bad, kind 

or cruel, in all their various degrees ; and may of course 

be more or less conformable to the "rule of doing as we 

would be done by." But the act of depriving a fellow 

creature of his rights to the extent the negro slave is de- 
cs e 

prived of his, or the act of withholding or refusing to re- 
store them ; or, in other words, the act of holding him in 
slavery, — is at all times and in all situations a violation of 
the rule. For plainly, no man who has common sense 
and understands the case would be willing to be stripped 
of his rights, and held in slavery such as the negro is 
doomed to. So far from being willing to be treated thus, 
he would think it most hard, he would, if he understood 
his natural rights as most masters do, think it most un- 
righteous ; and would think it right to make every effort 
to burst his bands, and go out free. Now on what prin- 
ciple is it that the rule " of doing as we would be done 
by" is not applied to this case? May the professor of re- 
ligion in the face of the rule and in the hearing of the de- 
claration of his Master, " with what measure ye mete, it 
shall be measured to you again," — mete out the hard mea- 
sure of slavery to a fellow creature, while he would at 
every hazard refuse it in his own case ? 

I pass by for the present all the questions respecting 
the treatment of slaves, and the bearing it may have on 
their opinions on this subject. For the sake of getting 
that part of the question separated from the other, let us 
suppose that they are treated as well as they ought to be — 
that the law of doing as we would be done by, applied 
fairly to the case of their treatment, finds no fault ; still he 
is in slavery, and what is implied in that? Why he is 
stripped of all his rights; is entirely under the power of 
another; is held as property with a long train of disabili- 
ties, and deprivations, and liabilities to evils and oppres- 
sions, in all their varieties. Now the question returns, do 
the laws which Christ has given his people to regulate 
their conduct towards their fellow men, allow of this strip- 



200 APPENDIX. 

ping another of his rights, or withholding them from him? 
It appears to me most manifest that they do not, and yet 
many appear to see the matter differently. It seems there- 
fore necessary to attempt a farther illustration of it. 

No injuries are more pernicious to us, no injustice is 
more cruel than that done to our rights. This surely 
needs no proof in the day in which we live, and among 
the free and enlightened people of America. Injuries of 
no other kind are to be compared with them. The reason 
is plain. While we are invested with our rights, they are 
our armour of defence against all kinds of evils to which 
we are exposed from our fellow men, and where an injury 
is received, our rights in their legitimate operation will 
procure us amends. They are an armour defensive and 
offensive. They afford security. But where in any case 
they fail to do that, they enable us to procure amends for 
the evil suffered. 

But suppose we are injured in our just unalienable 
rights; suppose we are stripped of them, suppose they 
are forcibly withheld from us, our armour of defence is 
gone. We may be injured every day — we may be assail- 
ed on every part. We have no help. We have not the 
means of defending ourselves against the injury; we have 
not the means of getting amends for it. 

To illustrate this case, suppose a man or a body of men 
deprived of the single right of self-defence, and that not 
for any crime, but to enable those who deprived them of 
the right to accomplish certain purposes with them, their 
families, property, &c, the fact that some of these persons 
might, owing to peculiar circumstances, feel but little in- 
convenience from the cruel measure, would not alter the 
character of the measure, nor lessen the guilt of those who 
passed it. The very nature and tendency of the measure 
was to expose them to oppression and injury and wrong, 
and that without redress. No one act of wrong that they 
might meet with under it, nor any number of acts would 
equal, in their amount of wrong, the injustice and cruelty 
of the single act which stripped them of the right of self- 
defence, and for the plain, simple reason that the act which 
stripped them of the right of self-defence, exposed them to 



APPENDIX. 



201 



all kinds of assaults and injuries from all sorts of persons 
at all times and places. 

Or suppose any man or body of men put out of the pro- 
tection of the law, not for any crime, but simply that those 
who did it might treat them as they please and serve them- 
selves of them. To what does not their outlawry expose 
them ? They may be watched and waylaid, and ensnared 
—they may be hunted with men, and guns, and dogs, and 
all kinds of offensive weapons— they may be deceived and 
betrayed by acquaintances, relations and friends. No per- 
son, no place, nor time, is so sacred as to afford protec- 
tion. Now it would take nothing from the monstrous in- 
justice of the outlawry, were we to suppose that some of 
the outlawed, owing to peculiar circumstances, felt few, if 
any, of these evils, and for the obvious reason, that the 
act of outlawry exposed to all sorts of evils. It was its 
nature to do this, and if they all did not fall on the victim, 
no thanks to the act, nor to those who passed it. The act 
of outlawry is the great injury — the original sin in the 
case. More or less evil may flow from it, as times and 
other things may permit ; but it produces no good of itself, 
but evil, only evil, and that continually. 

That injuries in our rights are the greatest evils we are 
exposed to— are great mother-evils, which are prolific of 
others to an unknown extent, is well understood by the 
American people. This is evidenced by the fact, that both 
the wars which were carried on against England were for 
rights. 

The special act of injury committed at the commence- 
ment of the revolutionary war, considered separately from 
the rights involved, would, we may safely say, not have 
produced war. The money drawn from us by the three- 
penny tax on tea, and the stamp act, was not worth fight- 
ing about, except as it involved principle. 

But had we yielded the principle that England might 
tax us at pleasure, who can tell what taxes she might have 
laid ? what burdens imposed ? She might have ground us 
to the dust; and made us hewers of wood and drawers of 
water, to her wants, or pride, or extravagance. 

In the last war for Sailors' Rights, the case was much 



202 APPENDIX. 

the same. The number of sailors impressed was not so 
great, nor their condition on board the British fleet so de- 
plorable, (they fared as the British sailors did) as to make 
a resort to war indispensable, leaving out of view the rights 
involved. But had we given up the right of search and 
impressment, who can tell to what extent it might have 
gone? Who can tell how many thousands might have 
been torn from house and home and all that was dear, and 
made to spend their lives in fighting the battles of Eng- 
land? 

We might refer to the political questions now agitated 
with so much earnestness, between the national and state 
governments, and their adherents. Rights are the bone of 
contention. And they are contended for with a zeal which 
proves that their worth is understood. It is seen, and felt, 
and avowed, that with our rights is connected everything 
that is dear — that if they be lost, all is lost — if they be 
saved, all is safe. 

That our rights are more important than anything else 
of which we can be deprived — that we may receive a 
deeper injury in our rights, than in any other way, (and of 
course may do a greater injury to another in his rights) is 
on the whole, well understood by the mass of the people. 
They have been pretty well schooled on this matter. 

Now to see a professor of religion who is thus alive to 
the worth of rights; thus alive to the deep and irreparable 
injury which he may receive from that quarter ; and who 
professes obedience to the command of his Lord, to " Love 
his neighbour as himself" — " To do in all things as he 
would be done by," — to see him, in applying this rule to 
the case of slavery, pass over the whole matter of rights, 
the very part where he is most alive in his own case — the 
very part where the deepest wound may be given — the 
greatest injustice committed, — and busy himself about the 
quantity of bread, and meat, and clothing, which will sa- 
tisfy the rule — what shall we say of it! "What man 
seeing this, and having human feelings, does not blush, 
and hang his head to think himself a man." 

What were the rights we were like to lose at the com- 
mencement of the revolutionary war? and to prevent 



APPENDIX. 203 

which we entered into that fearful strife ? The right of not 
being taxed but with our own consent. And what were 
the rights contended for in the last war? The rights of 
not being subject to search and impressment. These rights 
were, in the view of the people at large, worth contending 
for unto blood. The great bulk of professing Christians 
thought so too, and gave ample proof that they approved 
of the war, as right and necessary, by contributing their 
part to support it; and many of them by treading the 
tented field and mingling in the strife of battle. 

Now, what are these rights compared with the rights of 
which the slave is deprived ? They are a mere nothing ! 
and how can the Christian slave-holder say, he obeys 
Christ, " he does as he would be done by ?" 

But it will, perhaps, be said, the slaves don't know their 
rights ; they have never possessed them and can't estimate 
their loss ! Now passing the generosity and justice of 
withholding from a fellow creature his rights, because he 
is ignorant of them, or unable to assert them, I would like 
to know how it is reconciled with the morality of the 
gospel ? what part of the teaching of Christ or his apos- 
tles, gives the shadow of authority for a course of conduct 
of this kind? How can it be reconciled with the rule of 
"doing as we would be done by ?" 

Apply the principle to the case of property. An orphan 
has a right to property; but owing to some untoward cir- 
cumstance in which he has been placed in infancy, and 
kept ever afterwards, he knows but little, if anything 
about his rights. The whole matter is so situated, that 
while his right is good, his neighbour can keep him from 
the possession of it, and, to a great degree, ignorant of his 
right to it, and destitute of the information needful to make 
the best use of it, were he in any way to get it in posses- 
sion. 

What now would we say of the honesty of that neigh- 
bour, who would take advantage in such a case ? What 
would we say of his excuse, "he does not know the pro- 
perty is his ;" " he does not know his rights ;" " he can 
make no estimate of his loss." And how much would he 
mend the matter in the eyes of every honest man were he 



204 APPENDIX. 

to say, the person whose property I hold, not only does 
not know that it is his, or at least I can hold it in spite of 
him ; but he is too ignorant to make a good use of it, if he 
had it ; when it was notorious that he had kept him in 
ignorance, as a means of keeping him from his rights ? 
And were this defrauder and oppressor to plead the exam- 
ple of others who acted in the same way ; were he to plead 
that every man with a white face in his neighbourhood, 
treated every one with a yellow or a black face, as he did 
the orphan boy, how much would he help his cause ? 
Were he to profess the religion of the Lord Jesus, and 
take his seat at the sacramental table, while he still held on 
to the wages of unrighteousness, what would we say of his 
profession ? what would we say of his religion ? Suppose 
he were heard to say, and with great self-complacency, 
" I am good to the orphan boy ; I have, it is true, stripped 
him of his all, but I am not cruel to him. I give him bread 
and meat when he passes, and at times make him presents 
of my old clothes." 

How would public indignation brand such conduct. 
How would the report of it spread from Dan to Beer- 
sheba ; and how would his name, blotted with disgrace, 
be handed down to posterity. 

Now, what is the loss of property compared with the 
loss of liberty ? what is poverty compared with slavery ? 
and on what page of Scripture is the rule of justice, of do- 
ing as we would be done by, suspended, when we meet 
with a man with a black face ? 



APPENDIX. 



205 



o !=T 5 -•s , s' K Qitf fl °> ° ?T- S - ° 2 ° ~ - p re re re n, c er p re re £T 


CO 

H 

> 

H 
K 
00 


| 3.CTS-&8 § l^&B i-B.g-8 gs&g/g -^s^o|^=' 


?55v ffw as ^ii*|f ri 

5.2 2 ° ^3 t J» ^^^ p- 


H 


o 2-3.S' £ £ ^ ^' 


PS 


9bc5 


H 




o 

5 


V^^J 


CO 


b tO CD ^t CD >-i ^ 03 tO 03 l-i 


3 S 


tO ->* OO^^^i-'OiOOOD^.ODC^^fOO^VC 


7 c 


io jod jo jo jo j-<i jo jo j^ ^ jo jm oo cc y j- 1 jo. 




Lo c^ "In "c "to c-> ->* o *►-* od "J-4 "lo "co -<j o* "cc "Lt 


S 5 


tO -<t t^NOiP-'W'COiStO^tOOOOJOO*. 


p = 


30 "^ COWHOOOCTiO^OO^NiOtftO 






— 


O H-i ^tOO C.-NCC^OlHCaUO>MCfl00O) 


? c 


O JOt ^i"'*.. ^ vP J° i" J* 5 P i" Jr* - vT^^vPvJ^v^i ^ °DJ-> 


_ a 


">J Ot "o (0 0~i03 0C> oo^o^^^o^To^I^ooh-'oo'^oo^ 


to H 


Jt OlO h. U( Ci Oi O trt OOOCOtON^^t^OiO^OaiM 


Sg 


X MC3 Vt H tn O (O O CncWO^OiOCnOWtOOttnQDO 




-1 

O CD £^ tO tO £> Ol <0 CD toosoto *- tO tO tO 


MB 
o - 


j'j WHMtOIOCClS 4^. OiM^NXN^'-UCTlSNMi-'Ni 


"= Q 


o t-k^^'oto^oo". >- i a> o tootoioowotooMouN^a 


re 






O CNCNIOOiNtflNUi CD ^MOiCltAOUOOOCOa^N 




5 C> Cl tO CO 00 tO O >- (O u Cr? OiKCtO^NCiO^^CD^OOiC 


oS 


,3 tO tO Ci 03 tO O C M N Ci tO Oi Ot C tJ O ^ tO h O tO i- O U O Ot 




p i- 1 ^^ 


MJ^ 


j> MOtOt^M M Oi U 01 C i^ tO "o CD to Ot tO tO tO 




,3 m-i 03C?l^^aCM0tr(Nt0^O0iCiONN^SNQ0t0 02*.O 


"? G 


» ^ JX CD CT4 JOt JM J- ** JO CD Ot J<| JO JO X Jji JS JO JM JO JO JJtpO^yt^OO 


-» lo'oo'o'Oj'tO H* *k. CD X £^ .f^oto^ 00 ~OD CD^ 'ct'cDCO "tO^o'tO^ ^ CD 


oo •; 


7> N C oj K h N -J h m c t c X ^ (O 7, Ui ^ O h h f. ti, K Cl Oi o. 


gc 


7i OiCnCCiMCCi^NOJNCCHiCHCC-, OiOUWtOOOON*.H(fl 




M M h-» 


M-S 


i-i i-t CD <0 O: e> tO H* CD Ui Ot -^ lo *- CD CD o to o> to to CD 


■a ^ 


n ODODCDOO^Ot^OSCCCC'-'OiOMCOOOM^StO^I-'OWl-'CCCnO 


. c 


7) j£" JO j-» JO JO J<t >-» JM JX jf>. JJt OJ O0 J0*> J-* JX> J- 1 J7l J0*> JO J-* J.D J-4 JS( o O 'O <0 


" 3 


- "-vj'cD'tO X O C> Ot C7> X 00 C» OO 'OCt^t-'toto NNOlOt^loOOiOi^. 


io i 


4 tOCOCiCftNSCCS^tONOOCftUiNNMCJNNOi-'HKNOiCn 


p 5 


- OOJOOOi^^tOOiMO^CnNSWCtOOiOOtOOOHO^'OvJtw 




3 

-* I— 1 >-*►£- 0> M-i CD M-i >S». 


3 


^ MxiOMOiCiaiOiCootNO* ui^ o cum o oo o w "c o< o c cc ci^to 




r, ji^OsC/J^OtCTiCOMh-iUtOi^GOl-'SCiMOOCCOCncnCCOtOC 


o_ 


4 CD O -j X C> CD to C-. C. Oi i j (O m OJ t» Oi 0J tO <0 O N O Ot if*. Q t>» 03 N 




3 

fa M-*M HIOODM^M 


CO 


i- 1 tO Oi^CCi^h-m^OiO 


p /•?> ^^ j^ j° p y ?* j^ jo» p y jo i* 3 to 

1 OOi O("o^ *0D CD C> O) *" ^ "C> t. ^ 00 "CD CD**tO 


3g 

2 o 


I C?> O tO ~^ O0 £* UNO'jOi^CbCiOtONOCO^^HtO 


tn " 


> OO^OOCTiCT) 0<0»-'0*>.^O t tO*»OCOtC7>C7iC7)p^C3 








1 


olj 



206 



APPENDIX. 



COLOURED PEOPLE IN THE UNITED STATES. 

According to five Official Enumerations. 



Years. 


Slaves. 


Free Coloured. 


| Total. 


1790, 


697,697 


59,511 


757,208 


1800, 


896,849 


110,072 


1,006,721 


1810, 


1,191,364 


186,446 


1,377,810 


1820, 


1,538,061 


226,775 


1,764,836 


1830, 


2,010,629 


319,467 


2,330,096 



(C.) 

Mortality lessens in the world as civilization and im- 
provement advances. In England, 

In 1700, the deaths were as 1 in 25 



1780, 


do do 1 in 40 


1790, 


do do 1 in 45 


1800, 


do do 1 in 47 


1810, 


do do 1 in 50 


In London from 


1700 to 1750, deaths wer 



from 1750 to 1800, as 5 to 4 ; since 1800, as 12 to 15. 

In Sweden, from 1755 to 1775, deaths were 1 in 35 ; 
from 1775 to 1795, as 1 in 37. 

Of 100 new born infants in 1780, there died in two 
years 50 ; at present, 38. 

In 1780, died before ten years old, 55 

At present, - - - - 47 

Lived in 1780, to 50 years, - 21 

Live now to 50, - - - 32 

Lived in 1780, to 60, - - 15 

Live now to 60, 24 

A careful examination of the several wards of Paris, 
proved that the greater the proportion of poor in any ward, 
the greater the proportion of deaths. 

This will appear from the following tables. Table I. 
gives the proportion of houses not taxed, on account of the 
poverty of the people. Table II. gives the proportion of 
deaths in each ward. 











APPENDIX. 














TABLE I. 








1st ward, 


11 houses 


not taxed in 


the 100 


2d 




< 


7 




do 






do 


100 


3d 




i 


11 




do 






do 


100 


4th 




i 


15 




do 






do 


100 


5th 




i 


22 




do 






do 


100 


6th 




i 


21 




do 






do 


100 


7th 




i 


22 




do 






do 


100 


8th 




a 


32 




do 






do 


100 


9th 




it 


31 




do 






do 


100 


10th 




i 


23 




do 






do 


100 


11th 




a 


19 




do 






do 


100 


12th 


si 


38 




do 






do 


100 








TABLE II. 










1st ward, 


1 


death ir 


i 58 


persons 




2d 


(< 


1 




do 


62 








3d 


a 


1 




do 


60 








4th 


(< 


1 




do 


58 








5 th 


(< 


1 




do 


53 








Gtli 


it 


1 




do 


54 








7th 


a 


1 




do 


52 








8th 


u 


1 




do 


43 








9th 


M 


1 




do 


44 








10th 


(C 


1 




do 


50 








11th 


a 


1 




do 


51 








12 


th 


a 


1 




do 


43 







207 



Ward No. 2., has but 7 untaxed houses, which is the 
smallest number, and the deaths in that ward are 1 in 62, 
which is the smallest number of deaths. 

Ward No. 12 has 38 untaxed houses, which is the 
largest number ; and the deaths in that ward are 1 in 43, 
which is the greatest number of deaths. A similar result 
will be found generally, on an inspection of the tables. 

SeeBerard on the influence of civilization on health and 
longivity. 



X3 g 

















































































































- 

































































V i 


































